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AbstractThis paper analyzes the relationships of schooling, the skill content of work experience, and different types of employment patterns with
less‐skilled women's job quality outcomes. Survey data from employers and longitudinal data from former and current welfare recipients
are used for the period 1997 to early 2002. The analysis of job quality is broadened beyond employment rates and wages measured at a point in time by
including non‐wage attributes of compensation and aspects of jobs that affect future earnings potential. This study shows the extent to which
lack of employment stability, job skills, and occupation‐specific experience impedes welfare recipients' abilities to obtain a
"good job" or to transition into one from a "bad job." The business cycle downturn has significantly negatively affected the
job quality and job transition patterns of former and current recipients. © 2003 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and
Management.

Discusses the economic development programs of various nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and their efforts to build local management systems with increased participation by women. Examples taken chiefly from the three largest NGOs: the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), the Grameen (Village) Bank, and Proshika.

Social, economic and demographic forces, fuelling new efforts to
recruit, retain and develop women in the workforce, are examined.
Transnational perspectives and policies such as "parental
leave" and "career breaks" are explored, with
particular reference to differing attitudes in Sweden, the UK and the
US. It is argued that greater concern for helping workers achieve a more
satisfactory balance between responsibilities may result in increasing
gender equity.

Describes the peacemaking efforts of women in Burundi, where deadly ethnic violence has occurred even though the Hutus & Tutsis have lived together & intermarried for years. When ethnic tensions were again fermenting in Sept 1999, women from bordering neighborhoods of Tutsi Musaga & Hutu Busoro organized an exchange of humanitarian aid. When violence broke out, 250 Tutsi & Hutu women came together to express their solidarity & distribute food & sundries. Although strides toward reconciliation have been made, the current situation in Burundi is described as tense, & it is maintained that ethnic violence could reoccur if international support is not given to the peacemaking efforts of the women of Busoro & Musaga & thousands of Burundians like them. J. Lindroth

Current research suggests that gender prejudice no longer impedes women from winning top-level political positions. Nevertheless, the number of women in all levels of political office remains startlingly low— meriting a closer look at the role of gender prejudice. This study takes an experimental look at how voters respond to female candidates pushing unambiguous, tough policy stands. Interestingly, voters seem to infer that women possess traditional "feminine" strengths even when they emit a clear "masculine" message. Therefore, female candidates should not fear visceral reactions from voters if they assume an aggressive campaign posture. Rather, this "masculine" approach may be the optimal campaign strategy for women seeking top-level or administrative positions.

kate a. baldwin is Assistant Professor of English at the University of Notre Dame. She is the author of Beyond the Color Line and the Iron Curtain: Reading Encounters between Black and Red, 1922–1963 (Duke University Press, 2002) and is currently working on a second book project titled Authenticating Nations: Cultural Fictions of Soviet and American Women during the Cold War.

Within the UK the levels of female entrepreneurship are considerably lower than in many of its peer countries. As part of a strategy to remedy this apparent shortfall, and to improve the environment for existing female-owned businesses, the UK Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) launched a 'Strategic Framework for Women's Enterprise' in 2003. A central rationale for the development of this strategy is a belief in the inadequacies of current business-advice provision and limited access to informal and formal business networks, mentors, and business support for women. However, there appears to be little evidence, either in this paper or in the body of previous research, to support the view that, within the UK, government agencies need to shape business support to reflect the gender of the business user. Drawing upon a sample of 650 small service sector firms in Scotland, we report the findings of a detailed postal questionnaire concerned with exploring usage and satisfaction of a range of formal and informal sources of business advice amongst male and female business owners. Bivariate analysis shows that amongst formal sources women are more likely to use friends and relatives, the Small Business Gateway, and chambers of commerce but are less likely to use suppliers and consultants. However, multivariate analysis suggests that, within the service sector, neither use of external advice nor impact of advice—either formal or informal—is greatly influenced by gender. Rather, it was the characteristics of service sector firms, most notably the number of employees and exporting activity, that explained the use of external advice. Therefore, a nongendered view of business support by the DTI appears more appropriate within the service sector. Nevertheless, the data do indicate more frequent use of informal family-network contacts amongst women business owners.

"The women have a big part to play": citizenship, motherhood, and race in New Deal liberalism -- Racism as un-American: psychology, masculinity, and maternal failure in the 1940s -- "Politics in an age of anxiety": Cold War liberalism and dangers to Americans -- "I wanted the whole world to see": constructions of motherhood in the death of Emmett Till -- "Imitation" reconsidered: consuming images in the late 1950s -- Pathologies and mystiques: revising motherhood and liberalism in the 1960s

El ensayo analiza los cambios jurídicos y sociales que experimentaron las mujeres durante los años posteriores a la Revolución Liberal de 1895. La mayoría de las mujeres pioneras en la vida pública del Ecuador provinieron de las clases sociales media y alta. El estudio se concentra en los casos de María Luisa Gómez de la Torre, profesora y la única mujer participante en la fundación del Partido Socialista del Ecuador, y Matilde Hidalgo de Prócel, primera mujer graduada de médico, primera en sufragar en una elección y en obtener un escaño en el Congreso. El artículo indaga si estos cambios institucionales fueron el resultado de una concesión del poder o de una lucha social desde abajo. ; The essay analyses legal and social changes that women experienced during the years prior to the Liberal Revolution of 1895. A majority of the pioneering women in Ecuadorian public life carne from the middle and upper classes. The study focuses on the cases of María Luisa Gómez de la Torre, teacher and sole woman participant in the foundation of the Socialist party of Ecuador, and Matilde Hidalgo de Prócel, the first licensed woman doctor, first to vote as a woman, and the first congresswoman elected in Ecuador. The article investigates whether these institutional changes were a result bestowed from above, or a social struggle fought from below.

Newly democratising states experience challenges in reconciling "traditional" or "customary" dispute resolution practices with newly established state-based legal systems based on the rule of law. For Timor-Leste, these tensions are pronounced in continuing debates concerning the killing or injuring of women accused of witchcraft. Defences of extrajudicial punishments tend to conflate democracy with local support and fail to deal with the key institutions of democratic systems, including the rule of law, political equality, and civil rights. In Timor-Leste's case, where equality and social rights were incorporated into the Constitution as fundamental governmental obligations, localised extrajudicial punishments threaten internal and external state legitimacy and highlight the difficulties of ensuring the primacy of state-based institutions. Extrajudicial punishments challenge Timor-Leste's capacity to consolidate new liberal democratic political institutions. (JCSA/GIGA)