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Over half a century ago, in The Gutenberg Galaxy (1962), Marshall McLuhan noted that the overlap of traditional print and new electronic media like radio and television produced widespread upheaval in personal and public life:Even without collision, such co-existence of technologies and awareness brings trauma and tension to every living person. Our most ordinary and conventional attitudes seem suddenly twisted into gargoyles and grotesques. Familiar institutions and associations seem at times menacing and malignant. These multiple transformations, which are the normal consequence of introducing new media into any society whatever, need special study.The trauma and tension in the daily lives of citizens as described here by McLuhan was only intensified by the arrival of digital media and the Web in the following decades. The rapidly evolving digital realm held a powerful promise for creative and constructive good-a promise so alluring that much of the inquiry into this new environment focused on its potential rather than its profound impact on every sphere of civic, commercial, and private life. The totalizing scope of the combined effects of computerization and the worldwide network are the subject of the essays in The Digital Nexus, a volume that responds to McLuhan's request for a "special study" of the tsunami-like transformation of the communication landscape. These critical excursions provide analysis of and insight into the way new media technologies change the workings of social engagement for personal expression, social interaction, and political engagement. The contributors investigate the terms and conditions under which our digital society is unfolding and provide compelling arguments for the need to develop an accurate grasp of the architecture of the Web and the challenges that ubiquitous connectivity undoubtedly delivers to both

South Africa is a water constrained country with a complex history of resource capture and human rights abuses. Science, as practiced by the national science councils, could play a significant role in deepening our democracy. This paper explores two possible paradigms - one where science is divorced from the national constitution, and the other where our science is embedded in the national constitution. The paper argues that the latter approach would make our national science more relevant, but of necessity would embroil it in issues of historic legacy and therefore become "messy".

South Africa is a water constrained country with a complex history of resource capture and human rights abuses. Science, as practiced by the national science councils, could play a significant role in deepening our democracy. This paper explores two possible paradigms - one where science is divorced from the national constitution, and the other where our science is embedded in the national constitution. The paper argues that the latter approach would make our national science more relevant, but of necessity would embroil it in issues of historic legacy and therefore become "messy". ; https://doi.org/10.4102/td.v5i1.146

The present study analyzes the relationship between Consideration of Future Consequences (CFC) and environmentally friendly behavior in a large general population survey ( n = 1,945). CFC captures the extent to which a person is driven by short-term rewards or orients himself or herself toward long-term goals. As there is considerable debate about whether the scale captures concern with future consequences only, or with both future and immediate consequences, preliminary factor analyses were conducted. These support differentiation into two subscales: one reflecting concern for immediate benefits (CFC-Immediate) and one conveying a concern for future outcomes (CFC-Future). The results with regard to behavior, however, do not differ systematically between CFC-Immediate and CFC-Future. Overall, the results reveal that CFC is a significant predictor of pro-environmental behavior and that this relationship was (partially) mediated by environmental concern.

This article reflects upon the UN General Assembly's 2012 informal interactive dialogue on the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP), which was on the theme of 'timely and decisive response'. It shows that although Member States recognize that 'timely and decisive' responses to genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity could sometimes prove controversial, none disputed the occasional necessity of robust enforcement measures when properly authorized by the Security Council and used as a last resort. Against this backdrop, the paper identifies and engages with three of the key challenges that emerged in the dialogue: the relationship between the the three pillars of RtoP, the problem of consistency in the application of the principle, and the challenge of making prevention a 'living reality'. The paper identifies ways of navigating these challenges and proposes a pathway for the further consolidation of RtoP in international practice.

Abstract: Trust may be important in shaping public attitudes to genetics and intentions to participate in genomics research and big data initiatives. As such, we examined trust in data sharing among the general public. A cross-sectional online survey collected responses from representative publics in the USA, Canada, UK and Australia (n = 8967). Participants were most likely to trust their medical doctor and less likely to trust other entities named. Company researchers were least likely to be trusted. Low, Variable and High Trust classes were defined using latent class analysis. Members of the High Trust class were more likely to be under 50 years, male, with children, hold religious beliefs, have personal experience of genetics and be from the USA. They were most likely to be willing to donate their genomic and health data for clinical and research uses. The Low Trust class were less reassured than other respondents by laws preventing exploitation of donated information. Variation in trust, its relation to areas of concern about the use of genomic data and potential of legislation are considered. These findings have relevance for efforts to expand genomic medicine and data sharing beyond those with personal experience of genetics or research participants.

Problem Investigated. This dissertation is a study of the political effects of low-intensity warfare in Indonesia since 1945. In particular, it examines the interaction between general principles and contextual variables in guerrilla conflict, to determine whether such conflict causes the diffusion of political power. Analysis of insurgent movements indicates that power structures within a guerrilla group tend to be regionalised, diffuse and based on multiple centres of roughly equal authority. Conversely, studies of counter-insurgency (COIN) techniques indicate that successful COIN depends on effective political control over the local population. This tends to be exercised by regional or local military commanders rather than by central authority. Based on this, the author's initial analysis indicated that one should expect to see a diffusion of political authority from central leaders (whether civilian or military) to regional military leaders, when a society is engaged in the conduct of either COIN or guerrilla warfare. The problem investigated in this dissertation can therefore be stated thus: To what extent, at which levels of analysis and subject to what influencing factors does low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 demonstrate a political power-diffusion effect? Procedures Followed. The procedure followed was a diachronic, qualitative, fieldwork-based analysis of two principle case studies: the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-1962 and the campaign in East Timor 1974-1999. Principle research tools were: • Semi-structured, formal, informal and group interviews. • Analysis of official and private archives in Australia, Indonesia, the Netherlands and the UK. • Participant observation using anthropological fieldwork techniques. • Geographical analysis using transects, basemapping and overhead imagery. • Demographic analysis using historical data, cartographic records and surveys. Research was conducted in Australia, Indonesia (Jakarta and Bandung), the Netherlands (The Hague and ...

Les années 1960 et 1970 sont marquées par une forte crise de la science. Les mouvements pacifistes, féministes, écologistes et décoloniaux remettent en question la force émancipatrice des savoirs. Des scientifiques participent à cette critique de la science, remettant en question notamment la porosité idéologique de celle-ci. Les Science and Technology Studies qui émergent au même moment se nourrissent de cette contestation de la science, mais abandonnent bien vite les traits politiques les plus saillants de la critique. Le « programme fort », proposé par la Science Studies Unit d'Édimbourg, vise notamment à symétriser les explications relatives aux énoncés vrais et faux. Si ses principaux animateurs discutent, dans les années 1970, du rapport entre science et idéologie (témoignant ainsi de leur ancrage dans le mouvement critique des sciences), bien vite, ils abandonnent ce thème pour se concentrer sur la défense du relativisme, moyen de légitimer un positionnement plus épistémologique que politique.

Jacob Marschak (1898–1977) had an enormous impact on the development of postwar economics, both as an intellectual mentor of Nobel Prize winners such as Kenneth Arrow and Franco Modigliani and as forerunner and institutional organizer of several research programs, most famously at the Cowles Commission. Nevertheless, he remains understudied by historians. This article uncovers the salient characteristics of his scientific vision in the forties and fifties, at the apex of his influence on the profession: his definition of economics as the science of rational choice; his emphasis on mathematization, experimentation, and interdisciplinarity as the proper methodology; his view of uncertainty as the main characteristic of the social environment; and his claim that economists should be "social engineers." The development of such a vision is studied against the background of Marschak's biography and of his understanding of the vicissitudes of the twentieth century, in particular his socialist beliefs and his repeated experience of emigration.

stillenhandschrift aus dem Jahre 1573" (A manuscript of Wolfenbütteler Lithuanian Postilla published in 1573) that he defended in 1900, a historiographic essay on Lithuanina book in Lithuania Minor "Lithuanian history and our writings" (1912), some chapters in other books and articles in a journal Pagalba (Help) edited by himself. Gaigalaitis always investigated the printed or manuscript heritage de visu. Old manuscripts, books, periodicals, and calendors were primary sources for his research, data analysis, synthesis, and formulation of conclusions. During his studies he developed bibliographic skills and provided bibliographic data to Silvestras Baltramaitis – the librarian of the Imperial Public Library in St. Petersburg, to a serial published by Lithuanian Literary Society in Tilsit, to the professor Vaclovas Biržiška at Kaunas University. In 1905–1939 he headed a cultural-educational society "Sandora" and established its library of great scientific and cultural significance as well as increased its publishing activity. Gaigalaitis used press as an important means in realisation of strategic political and spiritual goals. He employed Lithuanian press and publications to unite the national community, to ensure its internal communication and develop NATIONAL identity, to ensure its self-expression and public relations. ; Vilniaus universiteto Knygotyros ir dokumentotyros institutasUniversiteto g. 3, LT-01513 Vilnius, LietuvaEl. paštas: domas.kaunas@kf.vu.ltVilius Gaigalaitis (1870–1945) – žymus Mažosios Lietuvos lietuvių politikas ir visuomenininkas, knygos kultūros ugdytojas ir tyrėjas. Politinė, visuomeninė ir bažnytinė veikla sudarė prielaidas bendrauti su žymiausiais leidybos, poligrafijos, knygų prekybos darbuotojais, o moksliniai interesai – bendradarbiauti su universitetų mokslininkais ir pačiam rengti mokslo darbus. Svarbiausi iš jų buvo 1900 metais apginta daktaro disertacija ,,Die Wolfenbütteler litauische Postillenhandschrift aus dem Jahre 1573" (1573 metų lietuviškos Wolfenbüttelio postilės rankraštis), Mažosios Lietuvos lietuviškos knygos istoriografijos apybraiža ,,Lietuvos nusidavimai ir mūsų rašliava" (1912), kai kurie skyriai kitose jo knygose ir straipsniai jo paties redaguojamame žurnale "Pagalba". V. Gaigalaitis rankraštinį ir spaudos paveldą visada tyrė de visu. Senieji rankraščiai, knygos, periodiniai leidiniai, kalendoriai jam buvo pirminis tyrimo, duomenų analizės, sintetinimo ir išvadų formulavimo šaltinis. Studijų metais įgijo bibliografo įgūdžių, lietuvių retrospektyviosios bibliografijos duomenis teikė Sankt Peterburgo imperatoriškosios viešosios bibliotekos bibliotekininkui Silvestrui Baltramaičiui, Lietuvių literatūros draugijos tęstiniams mokslo darbams Tilžėje, Kauno universiteto profesoriui Vaclovui Biržiškai. Vadovaudamas kultūros švietimo draugijai "Sandora" (1905–1939), sukūrė jos didelės mokslinės ir kultūrinės svarbos biblioteką ir išplėtojo leidybinę veiklą. V. Gaigalaitis nuosekliai rėmėsi spauda siekdamas strateginių visuomenės politinio ir dvasinio vadovo tikslų. Jis lietuviškus leidinius tikslingai naudojo tautinės bendruomenės telkimui, vidinei komunikacijai ir tautinio tapatumo ugdymui, jos saviraiškai ir viešiesiems ryšiams.

AbstractThe quantitative strand of social policy research suffers from a double deficit: on the one hand, analyses of aggregate expenditure dominate, and on the other hand, most studies of replacement rates focus on unemployment or sickness benefits, while pensions are excluded. This paper addresses the said deficit firstly by discussing the pension sectors' theoretical peculiarities and by proposing two hypotheses: one on the retrenchment of pension replacement rates and one on the role played by political parties in implementing it. Secondly, after a brief literature review and an outline of our methodological approach, we present regression results of replacement rate changes in 18 developed democracies. Our findings show considerably smaller cuts of pensions than of unemployment or sickness benefits, and striking differences regarding partisan effects between the sectors.

The article considers the key factors that affect the stability of the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS), erode its basic norms and provisions, lead to strengthening of political and legal contradictions between countries and, in general, to a prospective strengthening of interstate conflicts. Among those factors are the attempts of some claimant states to form maritime zones of sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction in the Antarctic waters and the process of defining the outer limits of the continental shelf within the framework of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf initiated by them. The author shows how justifying their actions with references to the rights and powers granted to them under modern international maritime law, and above all the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, leads to an imbalance of the entire System. The unresolved questions concerning the applicability of the concept of common heritage of mankind (CCH) to the Antarctic, the legality of the formation of maritime zones around the sub-Antarctic islands and restrictions on the exercise of national jurisdiction on the continent itself increase pressure on the sustainability of the established legal regime. It is in the interests of the Russian Federation not to allow the complete destruction of the established system of governance, and if it is inevitable, to be ready to pursue an active policy to defend its national interests.

The article examines the new role played by the state as a deliberate economic actor. The basis here is provided by the direct activity of the state in regulating the economy, as is characteristic of all economically developed countries. But at the same time, market regulators are beginning to die away, and are already fulfilling a secondary role. This situation is resulting in a change to the economy itself, with the previous goal of development-the maximising of profits-being replaced by the maximising of social utility. The degree and significance of conscious economic regulation, whose basis is scientific knowledge, is increasing. A new quality of the economy, designated by the article as noonomy, is emerging; this is steeped in scientific knowledge and in planned, considered regulation. The objective basis of this process is a new technological order within which production is permeated by complex technological systems, and for which knowledge-intensive production is a primary requirement. All this is serving to bring changes to political economy. In place of the classical political economy that concentrated on research into questions of market production and exchange, the new political economy or post-classical political economy studies the relations between people from the angle of social utility, that is, the exchanging of knowledge, information and activity with the goal of achieving economies in the use of social time.