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Abstract
International criminal law has evolved from abstract ideas of an international criminal jurisdiction in the early twentieth century to encompass a comprehensive set of tribunals, rules, and methods. This article explores the contribution of the common law to the development of international criminal law, drawing on two key historical episodes – the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals, and the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) – to consider the common law's historic influence over, and relationship to, uncertainty within the system of international criminal law. First, the article highlights how British jurists framed the normative uncertainty vis-à-vis the idea of international criminal justice in their contributions to this Yearbook. Second, it examines the characteristics shared between common law and international criminal law, with a view to appraising the potential relationship of both 'systems'. Finally, it interrogates the differing treatments of the common law throughout the development of substantive international criminal law over time, considering how judges utilized the common law as they navigated the complex dialectic between 'statutory' and 'judge-made' law.

"Comment décrypter le système international actuel à l'aune de la diplomatie des valeurs d'un Joe Biden ? Comment interpréter la politique étrangère de ses prédécesseurs ? Versatiles, opportunistes, impérialistes, tantôt cyniques, tantôt amateurs, mais toujours pétris d'arrière-pensées, les États-Unis ont (presque) toujours tort, ce qui représente un défi aux statistiques de la géopolitique. Ni pro- ni antiaméricain, cet ouvrage campe les ressorts profonds et ambivalents de la stratégie du nouveau continent sur la période contemporaine, celle qu'on ferait mieux d'appeler l'"ère des Lumières". Depuis 1776, les États-Unis nourrissent un projet pour eux-mêmes et le reste du monde. Après un long siècle d'hésitations, Woodrow Wilson et ses Quatorze Points synthétisent l'exceptionnalisme américain et fixent pour longtemps les paramètres structurants du système international : paix républicaine, diplomatie publique, libre-échange, autodétermination des nations, maîtrise des armements et, par-dessus tout, la Société des Nations, transfigurée en Organisation des Nations unies. Ce monde que l'Amérique veut repeindre à ses couleurs souffre à l'heure actuelle des mêmes contradictions que les politiques aléatoires des administrations présidentielles successives. L'ordre wilsonien n'abolit pas les lois de la Realpolitik, contrairement à ses intentions initiales. En fait, il les transforme et les organise au prisme de l'idéal démocratique hérité du XVIIIe siècle. Pour le meilleur et parfois le pire : "America first"."--Page 4 of cover

Intervening states apply different approaches to the use force in war-torn countries. Calibrating the use of force according to the situation on the ground requires a convergence of military and police roles: soldiers have to be able to scale down, and police officers to scale up their use of force. In practice, intervening states display widely differing abilities to demonstrate such versatility. This paper argues that these differences are shaped by how the domestic institutions of sending states mediate between demands for versatile force and their own intervention practices. It considers the use of force by Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom and the United States in three contexts of international intervention: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Afghanistan. The paper highlights quite different responses to security problems as varied as insurgency, terrorism, organised crime and riots. This analysis offers important lessons. Those planning and implementing international interventions should take into account differences in the use of force. At the same time, moving towards versatile force profoundly changes the characteristics of security forces and may increase their short-term risks. This difficulty points to a key message emerging from this paper: effective, sustainable support to states emerging from conflict will only be feasible if intervening states reform their own security policies and practices.

Анализируя тенденции в политике и проблемы, стоящие перед основными регионами мира, автор особое внимание уделяет Европе и Европейскому союзу, современный внешнеполитический курс которых является наиболее показательным. Прежде всего, это касается недавней избирательной кампании в странах Европы, главной особенностью которой стал сдвиг электорального поля вправо, ратификации Лиссабонского договора, а также проблем дальнейшего расширения ЕС. В Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе автор выделяет возрастание мощи Китая в плане его влияния на мировую политику, а также влияния экономического и финансового кризиса на китайско-американские отношения. Большое внимание уделяется отношениям КНР с государствами-соседями. Отражаются также главные тенденции в Южной Америке, особенно в Венесуэле, суть которых состоит в отходе от «левых» идей в политике и экономике большинства государств этого региона. = Analysing the problems of the contemporary tendencies of international policy faced by the main regions of the world the author draws great attention to Europe and the European Union as the most signifi cant and indicative of contemporary international policy. Firstly it concerns the recent elections in Europe the main peculiarity of which was the shift of electoral preferences to the right; the ratifi cation of the Lesbon Treaty and the problems of European Union enlargement. As far as the Asian region concerned, the main problem there is the growth of China power and its infl uence on the contemporary international policy. In particular, much attention was given to the relations of China with the neighbouring countries as well as to the infl uence of the economic and fi nancial crisis on the US-China relations. The author emphasizes the main tendencies in some south-American countries, especially, Venezuela, the essence of which lies in deviating from the left ideas in policy and economy in most of the countries of this region.

Refugee protection decisions engage migrants' fundamental life, liberty, and security of the person interests. As a result, refugee protection claimants enjoy institutional and procedural rights under conventional international law. These include the right to a fair adjudication of their protection claims by an independent tribunal. To be independent, a tribunal must meet the formal guarantees of security of tenure, financial security, and administrative independence and must actually be independent, in appearance and practice, from the executive and legislature, particularly in the appointments process. Refugee protection decisions must be made by first instance adjudicative bodies that either fully comply with the requirements of tribunal independence or whose decisions are subject to subsequent review by a tribunal that meets these requirements and has sufficient jurisdiction over the merits of the dispute. The Canadian refugee protection system fails, in certain respects, to meet international standards of independence. The Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board's Refugee Protection Division enjoys statutory, objective badges of independence and appears to operate independently of the executive. However, the independence of Canadian officials engaged in eligibility determinations and in pre-removal risk assessments is very much in question because they have a closer relationship to executive law enforcement functions. ; Les décisions sur la protection des réfugiés ont un impact sur les intérêts fondamentaux des migrants ayant trait à leur vie, leur liberté et la sécurité de leur personne. Par conséquent, les demandeurs du statut de réfugié bénéfi cient de droits de nature institutionnelle ainsi que de droits procéduraux en droit international classique. Cela comprend le droit à une décision impartiale sur leurs demandes de protection par un tribunal indépendant. Pour être indépendant, un tribunal doit satisfaire aux garanties formelles d'inamovibilité, de sécurité fi nancière et d'indépendance ...

2. East and Southeast Asia. -C/71-16.Okt.28,1971. SWP-Dok.Nr.8440. 21 S.; 3. The Indo-Pakistani crisis. -C/71-17.Okt.28,1971. SWP-Dok.Nr.8436. 19 S.; 4. The Middle East. -C/71-18. Okt.28,1971. SWP-Dok.Nr.8434. 16 S

How do we know when a Non-International Armed Conflict (NIAC) is over? What does International Humanitarian Law (IHL) say about its temporal scope of application during NIAC? In practice, identifying the end of a NIAC can prove exceptionally difficult. In part, this is the result of the complex spectrum of factors that contribute to the existence and continuance of NIAC, and in particular the objectives that underpin and propel a NIAC. In addition, the virtual silence of IHL regarding its temporal scope of application adds another layer of complexity to identifying the end of a NIAC. While considerable research has focused on IHL's threshold of activation during NIAC, much less attention has been given to its threshold of termination. However, the looming threat of the so-called 'forever war' has stimulated fresh interest in determining when and how NIACs (legally) end. This article provides a forensic examination of the temporal scope of IHL during NIAC, with an exclusive focus on IHL's threshold of termination. It examines two of the leading approaches for determining the temporal scope of NIAC, and argues that neither approach is entirely satisfactory, and as a result, advances and explores a novel alternative—a 'functional approach' for determining IHL's threshold of termination during NIAC.

Art Style | Art & Culture International Magazine Fifth Edition It is with great pleasure that we welcome you to the fourth issue of Art Style Magazine, a peer-reviewed open-access magazine. In Art Style Magazine's one-year editions, in addition to the challenges and achievements reported above, I reflected a lot on the craft of publishing and the contribution of that craft to the democratization of culture and art. I thought not only of the precursor techniques but, specifically, the origin of a vehicle that deals mainly with the arts and cultures, of space for sociocultural criticism. What were the stimuli, challenges, difficulties, achievements, and successes of the notable names that opened the door to this art of publishing? Thus, seeking answers regarding the history that in part belongs to all of us interested in spreading knowledge of art and culture, I wrote, as a conclusion, the article "The Democratization of Art, Media and the Art of Publishing on Art." ; Art Style, Art & Culture International Magazine is an open-access, biannual, and peer-reviewed online magazine that aims to bundle cultural diversity. All values of cultures are shown in their varieties of art. Beyond the importance of the medium, form, and context in which art takes its characteristics, art is considered the significance of socio-cultural, historical, and market influence.

International economic institutions, particularly the G20, the OECD and the IMF, have been vocal in advocating reform of fossil fuel subsidies. The question that the paper seeks to answer is how influential the institutions have been in inducing countries to reform their fossil fuel subsidies? Although studies of individual fossil fuel subsidy reforms point to the role of international economic institutions as one factor among many, no overarching study has studied their influence across countries. This gap deserves to be addressed, particularly given the power of these institutions. More specifically, the paper focuses on pathways of influence which go beyond legally binding multilateral agreements. Such influences include learning, ideational change such as socialisation, and commitments which have to be adhered to. Concerning fossil subsidy reform, these pathways may consist of adherence to the (non-binding) G20 commitment, learning about fossil fuel subsidies and the possibilities to reform them, or socialisation into the norm that such subsidies should be reformed. Case studies of the US, India, the UK, Indonesia, Sweden and Denmark showed that ideational change stemming from the G20 and the OECD helped move fossil fuel subsidies up the agenda in industrialised countries, IMF was decisive in one case of Indonesian fossil fuel reform, and that learning processes mattered in terms of workshops organised by the OECD and the World Bank.

On March 19, 2009, in Tirana has ended the negotiations and initialed the "Agreement between Greece and Albania on the delimitation of continental shelf and other maritime areas belonging, according to the International Law". This agreement was signed in Tirana, from the two respective Ministers of Foreign Affairs, on April 27, 2009. Since its introduction, the agreement states that "the maritime borders between Albania and Greece, will be determined on the basis of equity distance expressed by the medium line". Merits of the case would require study of the complete file of the agreement, including the texts of the agreement in three languages: English, Greek and English, as well as the maps of the agreement, which has so far has not been made public. Emphasize that Albania has ratified UNCLOS, on June 23, 2003, while Greece on July 21, 1995. This agreement was ratified by the Albanian parliament, but was unapproved by the Albanian Constitutional Court, arguing that conflicted with the Constitution of Albania and the UN Third Convention of the International Law of the Sea of the year 1982. The paper will address the importance of signing this agreement, in the context of historical, economic and geopolitical, as well as losses or profits caused by its unapproval. DOI:10.5901/ajis.2015.v4n3p143

This article tests the hypothesis that democracies exhibit stronger international environmental commitment than non-democracies, using multivariate econometric techniques. A number of proxy variables are used in lieu of environmental commitment, a non-observable variable. Strong evidence is found that democracies sign and ratify more multilateral environmental agreements, participate in more environmental intergovernmental organizations, comply better with reporting requirements under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Fauna and Flora, put a greater percentage of their land area under protections status, are more likely to have a National Council on Sustainable Development in their country and have more environmentally relevant information available than non-democracies. The findings suggest that a spread of democracy around the world will lead to enhanced environmental commitment worldwide. Results are robust with respect to inclusion or exclusion of developed countries in the sample. The use of four different variables for democracy also ensures robustness with respect to the measure of democracy. The strong evidence in favour of a positive link between democracy and environmental commitment stands in contrast to the somewhat weak evidence on such a link between democracy and environmental outcomes. The explanation presumably is that theory predicts a stronger positive link of democracy with environmental commitment than with environmental outcomes.