Examines UN resource limitations in light of steady demand for the organization's operational field involvement. The UN's vast data-gathering system is described in terms of its implications for sustainable development & sustainable economic growth. As an early warning system for agenda building, the UN system has brought about change in some Bretton Woods institutions; however, in some cases, early warnings have gone unheeded. These issues are discussed in the context of the UN's capacity for advocacy & norm-setting. The need for as wide a consensus as possible among the UN member states is stressed. While still an instrument of national policies, the UN can play a role in the collective legitimization of new norms, standards, & principles of universal application. J. Zendejas
Vorschlag eines Aktionsprogramms für Frauen im südlichen Afrika im Rahmen des Welthilfeprogramms. Liste gegenwärtiger Hilfsprogramme für Südafrika allgemein, mit Angaben zu Finanzgebern und Höhe der Mittel. Bericht des UN-Generalsekretariats über die Hilfsprogramme in Zusammenarbeit mit Befreiungsbewegungen im kultur- und gesellschaftspolitischen Bereich. (DÜI-Zzg)
THE APPEARANCE IN RECENT YEAR OF A THIRD WORLD MAJORITY IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY IS STILL OFFSET, IN THE UN SYSTEM AS A WHOLE, BY THE GRIP THAT THE VETO-WIELDING POWERS RETAIN IN THE SECURITY COUNCIL. IF IT IS NOT TOTALLY TO LOSE THE WORLD'S ATTENTION, THE ASSEMBLY SHOULD DEVELOP CONCILIATION PROCEDURES MAKING IT EASIER TO FIND GENERALLY ACCEPTED FORMULAE BEFORE VOTES ARE TAKEN.
The British Commonwealth of Nations and the United Nations have today at least one thing in common, namely, that each faces a crisis so serious as to threaten its very survival. Nor are the reasons for the crises so very different. In part they stem from the nature of the two institutions. Both are associations of sovereign states, each one of which views the Commonwealth or United Nations relationship as only one strand–and only rarely the most important strand–in a complex and variegated web of relationships.
In: Canadian journal of economics and political science: the journal of the Canadian Political Science Association = Revue canadienne d'économique et de science politique, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 172-183
More than three years ago, Professor H. F. Angus published an article entitled: "The Canadian Constitution and the United Nations Charter." In it he sought to show that the Canadian constitution, which provides for a division of legislative powers between the federal government and the governments of the provinces, will hamper the Dominion in its conduct of foreign affairs in the post-war world. In particular, he predicted that existing constitutional arrangements will obstruct Canada from fulfilling in a responsible manner certain international obligations incurred under the Charter of the United Nations. The immediate causes of this situation are threefold: the assignation by the British North America Act of topics with which international legislation may be concerned to the exclusive jurisdiction of provincial legislatures; the obsolescence of Section 132 of that Act, which governs the treaty-making powers of the Dominion government; and the juridical opinions on the ability of the Dominion government to implement international legislation which were handed down by the Privy Council and which, with the exception of the war years, have governed the situation ever since. One other factor serves to aggravate the problem: the growing importance of international legislation since 1945. Social and economic problems, no longer local or even national in scope, are now of international importance, and require international action for their solution. The recognition by the nations of the world of this fact and its implications is in part indicated by their decision to create the United Nations, its commissions, sub-commissions and affiliated agencies. It is more imperative today than ever before that members of the United Nations be both ready and able to ratify international legislation which the world organization promulgates. Canada may be ready, but she is certainly not able, to provide such implementation.
On December 9, 1948, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted at its Paris session a resolution approving the annexed Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and proposing it for signature and ratification.