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Smoking prevalence in the lesbian and gay community exceeds that in nearly all other demographic groups. In 2001, we undertook a four-year research project to study tobacco industry targeting of the lesbian and gay community. We researched formerly-secret tobacco industry documents, analyzed tobacco content in the gay press, interviewed leaders of LGBT organizations, and conducted focus groups with LGBT smokers and nonsmokers. We found that tobacco companies began to advertise in the gay press in the early 1990s, initially wary of unfavorable publicity and quick to deny doing so when confronted. At the same time, the tobacco industry began to sponsor community organizations and events, especially those for AIDS-related causes, which helped burnish the industry's reputation. Many leaders and members of the community viewed this attention from major corporations as a sign that the community was becoming visible and more acceptable. Our study found that most LGBT leaders did not consider tobacco a "gay issue". Focused on gay-specific concerns, such as homophobia, they saw tobacco as irrelevant or even a distraction from their missions. Twenty two percent of organizations we studied reported accepting financial support from the tobacco industry. Only 24% thought tobacco was one of the top three health concerns of the community. Many believed that smoking was solely a personal choice, not an issue of concern for the community as a whole. The queer press normalized smoking. Images of tobacco, most conveying positive or neutral messages, were common. We found that many ads for products other than cigarettes glamorized smoking, and many articles having nothing to do with smoking were illustrated with tobacco use images. Only 11% of all non-advertising items we found (images and text) imparted a negative message about tobacco use. Very few LGBT publications had policies against accepting tobacco ads. By the time the study ended, an increasing number of LGBT advocates were working in tobacco control. We recommend activities that promote a community dialogue about the real costs of accepting tobacco industry advertising and funding. For example, some groups are urging LGBT politicians and organizations to sign pledges not to take tobacco industry money. As mainstream tobacco control has begun to recognize the need of the LGBT community for services, we recommend that LGBT organizations apply for funding, perhaps using the infrastructures the community has developed to provide services for breast cancer and HIV. Additional research to develop models for getting tobacco on the community's agenda would be useful. For example, understanding how alcohol and other drugs became seen as gay-specific community concerns—even though, like tobacco, they affect everyone—could be helpful. Finding ways to challenge the views of some young gay people—that most queers smoke—might make it easier to help them remain smokefree. Perhaps a greater understanding of the coming out process—in which one's authentic self challenges societal norms—could help arm young people with the strength to resist tobacco. Finally, one of the lessons of the larger LGBT movement itself—the importance of holding institutions accountable for the harm they cause—might help the community stop thinking of smoking as a personal issue, and think of it instead as a systemic issue, with a culpable industry at the heart of the problem. * Many community organizations define themselves as lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT). When possible, we included bisexual and transgender people in our study. Throughout this paper, the terms LGBT, queer, and gay are used interchangeably to acknowledge the diversity of the community and to respect the variety of ways in which LGBT people identify themselves.

Transgender communities are always considered not part of the citizenship project. The recent Supreme Court verdict making them very much part of the citizenshop discourse has considerably changed the situation. Even though these communities have found their presence since ancient times, yet it took such a long time to recognise their legal rights. Yet, if one closely look at the judgement, there are shortcomings and it needs further improvement. The most important drawback is that it does not address the question of their social recognition and also it does not address the unconventional transgender community in its analysis. It only recognises their legal rights.

Transgender people, being stigmatized, discriminated against, abused, and having less access to social, health, and public health services appear to be a hard-to-reach group for researchers. Thus, with very few opportunities for research, especially representative ones, it is challenging to plan high-quality and effective interventions that would help overcome stigma and discrimination as well as prevent violence against this group. The methods used to recruit respondents from hard-to-reach groups to assume that less visible subgroups can be accessed through the available, more visible ones. Still, the data presented in this article indicate the incoherence of social networks of trans- and non-binary people due to the stigma and discrimination. The main empirical findings aimed to describe the instability of the social ties within a group of transgender and non-binary people, probable explanations for the causes of this instability, and the main lines of the community fragmentation. Personal traumatic experiences of transgender people and the dispersion of the community also affect its weak involvement in civic activities. The paper dwells upon a phenomenon that is argotically called "stealth": a transgender person in a particular time, having achieved the desired result in transgender transition, distances themself from the community, striving to live an everyday life in society in a new gender. Accordingly, such people lose all or most of their social ties with other transgender and/or non-binary people and are inaccessible both to the research aimed at this specific group and to various social programs. Based on the material used in this article, we can discuss the lack of a single community of transgender and non-binary people in Ukraine and the need to use this term about transgender and non-binary people in the plural, not singular, because each subgroup of trans- and non-binary people, is a separate community. At the same time, the existing forms of stable connections are described, such as public organizations, networks of fictitious kinship, etc. This article will be helpful for researchers, as well as project managers whose attention is focused on transgender and non-binary people in Ukraine.

Abstract
The main social and institutional approaches to prostitution in Portugal conceptualize it as involving female sex workers and male clients and as a form of victimization. This view evidences gender stereotypes, is disempowering, denies rights and stigmatizes sex workers. However, in the case of men, transgender or homosexual in commercial sex, the oppressive mechanisms can multiply and be reinforced due to the stigma associated with being in the wrong body or gay. Thus, to be a man, a transgender or a homosexual prostitute can indicate a double or triple stigma, which stresses gender violence. In this article, based on empirical data, we discuss these issues with reference to the context and reality of sex work in Portugal.

Transgender and gender diverse individuals face a variety of barriers when attempting to access healthcare, from discrimination to lack of access to lack of knowledgeable providers. Using data from the 2015 United States Trans Survey (N = 27,715), this study looks at the differences within the TGD population regarding having seen a doctor in the past year, having a primary care provider, and having a primary care provider who is knowledgeable about trans health. Logistic regressions indicate that even within an all transgender and gender diverse sample, a variety of identities and experiences are related to increased or decreased likelihood of each of these outcomes, with significant differences across gender, race/ethnicity, age, sexual orientation, disability status, educational attainment, annual income, disability status, religiosity, military status, overall health, housing status, and insurance coverage. Not only should there be an effort to support transgender and gender diverse individuals in accessing care, but there is a clearly indicated need for additional education for healthcare providers, especially those doing primary care, on how to offer knowledgeable, affirming, and intersectional care to their patients.

Objectives: We provide the first estimate of HIV prevalence among trans and gender‐diverse people living in England and compare outcomes of people living with HIV according to gender identity. Methods: We analysed a comprehensive national HIV cohort and a nationally representative self‐reported survey of people accessing HIV care in England (Positive Voices). Gender identity was recorded using a two‐step question co‐designed with community members and civil society. Responses were validated by clinic follow‐up and/or self‐report. Population estimates were obtained from national government offices. Results: In 2017, HIV prevalence among trans and gender‐diverse people was estimated at 0.46–4.78 per 1000, compared with 1.7 (95% credible interval: 1.6–1.7) in the general population. Of 94 885 people living with diagnosed HIV in England, 178 (0.19%) identified as trans or gender‐diverse. Compared with cisgender people, trans and gender‐diverse people were more likely to be London residents (57% vs. 43%), younger (median age 42 vs. 46 years), of white ethnicity (61% vs. 52%), under psychiatric care (11% vs. 4%), to report problems with self‐care (37% vs. 13%), and to have been refused or delayed healthcare (23% vs. 11%). Antiretroviral uptake and viral suppression were high in both groups. Conclusions: HIV prevalence among trans and gender‐diverse people living in England is relatively low compared with international estimates. Furthermore, no inequalities were observed with regard to HIV care. Nevertheless, trans and gender‐diverse people with HIV report poorer mental health and higher levels of discrimination compared with cisgender people.

The present study explored the relationship between attitudes toward transgender individuals and the judgments people make in transgression scenarios involving transgender and cisgender individuals of different ages in a sample of 184 Romanian students. We used a mixed-method approach (quantitative and qualitative) and tested the effect of gender identity (cisgender or transgender) on participants' punishments in a hypothetical transgression (i.e., theft). In hypothetical transgressions involving preadolescent transgender and cisgender agents, results suggested no differences in participants' theft punishments. However, adult cisgender transgressors received significantly harsher punishments compared to transgender transgressors. Our qualitative analyses (N=736) suggested that the most frequent categories of responses justifying the punishments confirmed the importance of the agent's age. Our findings suggested no significant associations between participants' gender and reported the previous contact with an LGBTQ member and the punishments they chose for child and adult transgressors. Results are discussed in light of their implication in the contemporary, highly LGBTQ intolerant Romanian context.

Representations of older transgender people are nearly absent from our culture and those that do exist are often one-dimensional. For over five years, photographer Jess T. Dugan and social worker Vanessa Fabbre traveled throughout the United States creating 'To Survive on this Shore: Photographs and Interviews with Transgender and Gender Non-Conforming Older Adults'. Seeking subjects whose lived experiences exist within the complex intersections of gender identity, age, race, ethnicity, sexuality, socioeconomic class, and geographic location, they traveled from coast to coast, to big cities and small towns, documenting the life stories of this important but largely underrepresented group of older adults. The featured individuals have a wide variety of life narratives spanning the last ninety years, offering an important historical record of transgender experience and activism in the United States. The resulting monograph provides a nuanced view into the struggles and joys of growing older as a transgender person and offers a poignant reflection on what it means to live authentically despite seemingly insurmountable odds