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In this research paper, authors provide a comprehensive overview and critique of the World System Analysis (also read as World System theory). This central focus is driven by the need to bring about a fair and justifiable explanation of the theory and appreciation by examining the work critically as the most persuasive theory in international relations. The aim of this paper is to bring about world system analysis as the best tool in analysing the world politics, understanding world history and key reasons for imperialism, and why core countries such as the United States of America (USA), China and etc., often intervene in world crises through grants and other forms of aid. The authors argue that the world system theory, unlike the dependency theory, is broader in perspective and place the world as a centre of attention in the analysis of the world economic distribution instead of the nation-state. Equally, it can also be deployed in understanding global inequality, dependency and power. The above argument which is achieved through the use of a qualitative approach that has taken the form of the adoption of secondary materials and the Afrocentric paradigm.
In this research paper, authors provide a comprehensive overview and critique of the World System Analysis (also read as World System theory). This central focus is driven by the need to bring about a fair and justifiable explanation of the theory and appreciation by examining the work critically as the most persuasive theory in international relations. The aim of this paper is to bring about world system analysis as the best tool in analysing the world politics, understanding world history and key reasons for imperialism, and why core countries such as the United States of America (USA), China and etc., often intervene in world crises through grants and other forms of aid. The authors argue that the world system theory, unlike the dependency theory, is broader in perspective and place the world as a centre of attention in the analysis of the world economic distribution instead of the nation-state. Equally, it can also be deployed in understanding global inequality, dependency and power. The above argument which is achieved through the use of a qualitative approach that has taken the form of the adoption of secondary materials and the Afrocentric paradigm.

Transitional societies-struggling to build democratic institutions and new political traditions-are faced with a painful dilemma. How can Government become strong and effective, building a common good that unites disparate ethnic and class groups, while simultaneously nurturing democratic social rules at the grassroots? Professor Fuller brings this issue to light in the contentious, multicultural setting of Southern Africa. Post-apartheid states, like South Africa and Namibia, are pushing hard to raise school quality, reduce family poverty, and equalize gender relations inside villages and townships. But will democratic participation blossom at the grassroots as long as strong central states-so necessary for defining the common good-push universal policies onto diverse local communities? This book builds from a decade of family surveys and qualitative village studies led by Professor Fuller at Harvard University and African colleagues inside Botswana, Namibia, and South Africa.

Zambia became increasingly authoritarian under Patriotic Front (PF) President Edgar Lungu, who had been elected in a tightly contested presidential election in 2016. The runner-up, the United Party for National Development (UPND), engaged in a series of actions to challenge the validity of the results. The UPND saw 48 of its legislators suspended for boycotting Lungu's state of the nation address and its leader, Hakainde Hichilema, was arrested on charges of treason after his motorcade allegedly blocked Lungu's convoy. Independent media and civil society organisations were under pressure. A state of emergency was declared after several arson attacks. Lungu announced his intention to run in the 2021 elections and warned judges that blocking this would plunge the country into chaos. The economy performed better, underpinned by global economic recovery and higher demand for copper, the country's key export. Stronger performance in the agricultural and mining sectors and higher electricity generation also contributed to the recovery. The Zambian kwacha stabilised against the dollar and inflation stood within the target. The cost of living increased. The country's high risk of debt distress led the IMF to put off a $ 1.3 bn loan deal. China continued to play a pivotal role in Zambia's economic development trajectory. New bilateral cooperation agreements were signed with Southern African countries. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Mississippi entered the 21st century as a competitive two-party state far removed from its post-Reconstruction history of one-party Democratic domination. Yet Republican gains which had led to this emerging parity between the parties were not uniform across elective offices, as they had come first in federal elections and only later trickled down to state offices (Aistrup 1996). Mississippi voted Republican for president for the first time since Reconstruction in 1964 and 1972 (by landslide margins), narrowly backed Democrat and born-again southern Baptist Jimmy Carter in 1976, and henceforth has cast every one of its electoral votes for Republican presidential candidates. Enduring U.S. House gains began occurring in the Nixon landslide reelection year of 1972 with victories by Republicans Thad Cochran and Trent Lott. Cochran and Lott then replaced retiring conservative Democratic U.S. senators James Eastland in 1978 and John Stennis in 1988. Democrats remained competitive in U.S. house races at the century's end, however, retaining two moderate conservative whites (Ronnie Shows and Gene Taylor) and one liberal African American (Bennie Thompson, representing the black majority "Delta" district) as congressmen. With the retirements of boll weevil Democrats Jamie Whitten in 1994 and Sonny Montgomery in 1996, conservative Republicans Roger Wicker and Chip Pickering took their places to maintain two House seats for the GOP.

"INFAMOUS BODIES portrays five black women "celebrities" from the late-18th and 19th centuries whose histories and ongoing fame have generated new ways of imagining black feminist futures. Phillis Wheatley, Sally Hemings, Saartjie Baartman, Mary Seacole, and Sarah Bonetta have each become crucial figures for black feminists, who have frequently re-imagined these women's public and private lives, celebrating them as subjects who complicate a binary understanding of agency and subjection. Centering black women's lives at the fulcrum of developing freedom and rights discourses in the US and Europe, Samantha Pinto seeks to rewrite the history of modern nationhood through stories of black female subjectivity. The book's five chapters trace the historical significance of these figures, as well as the contemporary cultural artworks and performances that have rendered them celebrities for black feminist study. First, Pinto shows how Phillis Wheatley's fame has been essential to both American humanism and African diasporic conceptions of race and freedom. She then traces how the narratives surrounding Sally Hemings's relationship with Thomas Jefferson produce a dichotomy of unconsent/consent that arises out of humanist notions of freedom and respectability. Pinto counters these interpretations by considering reanimations of Hemings in various creative works. These new works point towards a politics of consent that does not relegate black women's bodies to sites of unfreedom. Next, Pinto considers William Dunlap, a white man put on trial for forcing Saartjie Baartman to perform on stage against her will; the trial hinged on the validity of her labor contract and her ability to consent to such a contract. For Pinto, the trial exposes contractual freedom as a fiction. Next, Pinto turns to Mary Seacole, a Jamaican-born British nurse and memoirist. Seacole has recently been revived as a British celebrity in the midst of contemporary debates around multiculturalism, as she has been imagined as a symbol of contemporary transnational capitalist success. Similarly, Sarah Bonetta, a formerly enslaved and orphaned Yoruba princess who became Queen Victoria's goddaughter, is narrated as a symbol of black autonomy and freedom in British history. Yet, for Pinto, popular narratives of both Seacole and Bonetta-including their proximity to whiteness and capital-reveal the complexities and hazards of corrective histories meant to repair racial injury. INFAMOUS BODIES offers a creative archival intervention that compels one to think about the black woman celebrity in new and necessary ways. It will appeal to an interdisciplinary audience, including those engaging in black studies, women's studies, literary studies, performance studies, and histories of the Black Atlantic"--

In this article, we explore P.R. Sarkar's contribution to asceticism, particular his concept of karma samnyasa. Sarkar enjoins the yogi with eyes firmly fixed on the supreme to engage in a politics of social liberation. In this transformative practice, he does not ally himself to shaman or brahmin priest; rather, Sarkar imagines and through his social and spiritual movements, intends on creating the sadvipra - the person with the balanced mind. It is this critical reading of Tantra - as spiritual and social liberation - that extends him beyond Aurobindo and Gandhi, taking him outside the Vedic orbit as well as outside the nationalistic politics of the BJP

A history of how abolitionism evolved from an elite and conservative movement to a radical, grassroots reform cause. It traces the development of the abolitionist movement from the 1770s to the 1830s, covering the attitudes and actions which made it the radical cause we think of it as today

Caption title: Virginia election : what it means ; Florida Atlantic University Libraries' Marvin and Sybil Weiner Spirit of America Collection, Pamphlets: Speeches B24F3 ; Florida Atlantic Digital Library Collections

Florida is once again a key battleground state, with nearly 850,000 more voters and two more Electoral College votes than in 2000—but no more chads since punch card ballots have been outlawed. There are ten "givens" about the sunshine state, such as the key role that independents will play, a higher younger voter turnout rate, more citizens voting absentee or early, intense GOTV efforts by both parties, an intensely competitive U.S. Senate race, a series of constitutional amendments intended to draw out infrequent voters, and lawsuits before and after the election. The biggest "uncertains" are: what will be the most important vote-decision issue(s); turnout rates and candidate preferences among African Americans, Hispanics, social conservatives, and women; and whether there will be a terrorist attack before Election Day.

This is an advance summary of a forthcoming article in the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. Please check back later for the full article.South African trade unions had a decisive role in the political life of the territory that became the Union of South Africa and later the Republic of South Africa. Such a role was both formative and reactive; since their inception in the 1880s, trade unions attempted to shape the body politic, its legislation, its inclusions and exclusions, its bill of rights, and a whole range of social rights. They had a formative role to play in the construction and destruction of the country's racial order. They also reacted to policy and law in all periods, creating serious challenges that continue well into the Post-Apartheid period.