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This study examines how the public acceptance of divorce has changed in European countries in recent decades. Taking advantage of the large-scale, comparative, and long-run measurement of value orientations in the European Values Study 1981-2017 it focuses on value change connected with divorce in a macro perspective. The article explores the acceptance of divorce in three aspects: (1) it measures and compares the trends in the acceptance of divorce in various European societies between 1981 (1991) and 2017 and contrasts these trends with the data on divorce rates in these countries; (2) it explores the consistency/correlation between divorce attitudes and the affinitive value orientations associated in the broader set of values connected with the concept of the deinstitutionalisation of marriage; (3) it looks for the correlates of divorce acceptance and the changes in acceptance over time at the individual level (sex, education, cohort, family background, religiosity). Because of the descriptive nature of the research, no hypotheses are tested. The results show that divorce acceptance is rising over time in all EVS countries, and the acceptance is connected to divorce levels in given societies. Attitudes towards divorce form a consistent set of values together with other marriage deinstitutionalisation indicators. The acceptance of divorce correlates on an individual level with age, education, and religion, but surprisingly there is only weak difference between men and women.

Der Artikel von Matthias Stein schließt an die beiden vorangegangenen Artikel insofern an, als dass er die tiefgehende bürokratische Steuerung von Handlungsvollzügen auf der operativen Ebene in den Hamburger "ASDs" bespricht. Das dort verwendete Programm Jus-IT gewinnt dabei für die beschäftigten Fachkräfte eine scheinbare Eigendynamik, okkupiert das Fallgeschehen und führt letztlich dazu, dass eine partizipative, auf Aushandlung und Respekt beruhende, koproduktive Erbringung sozialpädagogischer Leistungen erschwert wird.

Global frameworks of RI face several challenges. These include (1) the extent to which economic interests can be reconciled with the concept of responsibility in innovation processes and (2) the lack of a strong political dimension in these frameworks' conception of responsibility. Responding to these challenges is crucial if RI is to ensure that societal and natural needs are sufficiently considered in the innovation process. The influence of economic incentives on innovation processes coupled with the widespread depoliticization of persons makes it more urgent that RI adopt a political conception of responsibility in order to safeguard the legitimacy of the values and outcomes it deems societally desirable. This paper argues that the operative conception of responsibility in RI should be broadened to include a stronger political dimension. To this end, I turn to the work of Hannah Arendt to continue rethinking the concept of "the political" and, by extension, how responsibility and politics can be understood as two sides of the same coin.

Innovation and knowledge-intensive economy are considered crucial for addressing challenges and opportunities currently faced by Europe. The present paper aims to provide inputs for building a long-term vision aiming to promote innovation and knowledge economy for fostering smart, sustainable and inclusive growth. We analyze microdata from the 2016 Innobarometer "EU Business Innovation Trends" (Flash Eurobarometer 433), covering 14,112 companies from 30 countries in order to shed light on main drivers and results of business investments in innovation. We focus our analysis on high-tech industries and knowledge-intensive services. Additionally, expected positive impacts of innovation in knowledge-intensive sectors are explored in terms of job creation, digital economy, environment protection, health, transport, food quantity and quality, development of smart cities, etc. Our results are useful for designing an improved support for the emergence and impact of knowledge-intensive economy.

This article offers a critical assessment of Loic Wacquant's influential advanced marginality framework with reference to research undertaken on a London public/social housing estate. Following Wacquant, it has become the orthodoxy that one of the major vectors of advanced marginality is territorial stigmatisation and that this particularly affects social housing estates, for example via mass media deployment of the 'sink estate' label in the UK. This article is based upon a multi-method case study of the Aylesbury estate in south London—an archetypal stigmatised 'sink estate.' The article brings together three aspects of residents' experiences of the Aylesbury estate: territorial stigmatisation and dissolution of place, both of which Wacquant focuses on, and housing conditions which he neglects. The article acknowledges the deprivation and various social problems the Aylesbury residents have faced. It argues, however, that rather than internalising the extensive and intensive media-fuelled territorial stigmatisation of their 'notorious' estate, as Wacquant's analysis implies, residents have largely disregarded, rejected, or actively resisted the notion that they are living in an 'estate from hell,' while their sense of place belonging has not dissolved. By contrast, poor housing—in the form of heating breakdowns, leaks, infestation, inadequate repairs and maintenance—caused major distress and frustration and was a more important facet of their everyday lives than territorial stigmatisation. The article concludes by arguing that housing should be foregrounded, rather than neglected, in the analysis of the dynamics of urban advanced marginality.

The curiosity of how the built environment, implicitly and explicitly, affects how citizens and users make choices in their everyday life related to climate change is on the rise. If there is a nicely designed bike lane, the choice to bike to work is much more easily taken than if the only option is a densely trafficked road. But which responsibility does the built environment have for citizens to be as climate neutral as possible and, in extension, who should it burden? Is it the individual user, the designer, the planner, the policymaker or global politics? Media is playing an important and complicated role here; it works both as a source of information and as a trigger, instigating both feelings of guilt, fear, and shame in order to set change in motion. In this article, I will discuss everyday climate-related decision-making fuelled by shame and guilt, drawing on Judith Butler's writings on ethical obligations and narrating it with findings from a mapping study of daily transportation routes that I conducted in a middle-class suburb outside of Lund, in Sweden. There appears to be a dissonance between the relatively high knowledge about one's responsibility concerning climate change and the limited space to manoeuvre in everyday life. Even though shame and guilt may be driving forces to make decisions, the possibility to imagine and to change needs to be expanded.

The literature on the development of Mexican social sciences during the twentieth century has rarely considered universities as part of the state. If we do, then universities are characterized by traits similar to those of the state, such as clientelism. This plausible hypothesis has never been fully unexamined. Another trait of the literature that impairs our knowledge of the Mexican social sciences is the neglect of external actors, in particular by US philanthropies. In this manuscript I argue that the Rockefeller Foundation patronised liberal scholarship, practiced according to formal rational criteria, as an alternative to what foundation officers perceived as clientelism and amateurism at universities. While in the long run foundations were extremely consequential for Latin American social sciences, and therefore frequently considered part of a US imperialistic drive towards cultural hegemony in Latin America, they were not unitary actors and frequently failed to predict the actual impact of their grants. ; Die Literatur die sich mit der Entstehung der Sozialwissenschaften Mexikos im 20. Jahrhundert befasst, hat selten unter der Annahme operiert, dass Universitäten selbst als Strukturen des Staats zu sehen sind. Wenn wir diese Annahme jedoch teilen, dann stellen wir schnell fest, dass Universitäten dem Staat höchst ähnlich sind, d.h. das sie vielerlei Charaktereigenschaften mit diesem teilen wie z.B. der Klientelismus. Diese plausible Hypothese wurde noch nie überprüft. Ein weiteres Defizit dieser Literatur ist die Nichtberücksichtigung von externen Akteuren, insbesondere amerikanischer philanthropischer Stiftungen. In diesem Papier argumentiere ich, dass die Rockefeller Stiftung eine freigeistige Forschung, ausgeübt nach formal-rationalen Kriterien, die sie als eine Alternative zu dem herkömmliche Unibetrieb, den die Angestellten der Stiftung als klientelistisch und dilettantisch wahrnahmen, förderte. Auf lange Sicht gesehen waren philanthropische Stiftungen prägend für die Entwicklung der Sozialwissenschaften in Lateinamerika und werden daher auch häufig als Bestandteil einer amerikanischen kulturellen Hegemonie verurteilt. Sie waren jedoch keine einheitlichen Akteure und ferner oftmals nicht im Stande den tatsächlichen Effekt ihrer Fördermaßnahmen einzuschätzen.

Alle vier Jahre finden nach dem Betriebsverfassungsgesetz Betriebsratswahlen statt. Der Trendreport Betriebsratswahlen 2018 setzt auf dieser Grundlage die Tradition einer Analyse von Betriebsratsstrukturen fort, die Ende der 1990er Jahre und in den folgenden Jahrzehnten vom DGB lanciert und der Hans-Böckler-Stiftung gefördert wurde. Der Forschungserfolg dieser regelmäßigen Trendreports liegt darin, Transparenz über die Struktur der Betriebsratsgremien und deren Entwicklung zu schaffen sowie Aufschluss über das Wahlverhalten der Belegschaften über inzwischen mehrere Jahrzehnte zu geben. Dass das Wissen über die Zusammensetzung von Betriebsräten und die Handlungsbedingungen der Betriebsratsarbeit von großer Relevanz ist, gilt als unstrittig (vgl. u.a. Baumann/Brehmer 2016: 201). Selbst das Institut der deutschen Wirtschaft (IW) führt in Ermangelung "amtlicher" Betriebsratswahlstatistiken alle vier Jahre eine Unternehmensbefragung (in rund 1.600 Unternehmen) über die Landesvereinigung der Arbeitgeberverbände durch (vgl. Stettes 2015). Die kontinuierliche Analyse von Betriebsratswahlen, auf die unser Trendreport abhebt, zeigt, unter welchen betriebsverfassungsrechtlichen Zielvorstellungen eine Weiterentwicklung der betrieblichen Mitbestimmung auf den Weg zu bringen wäre. Wie wichtig diese Weiterentwicklung ist, betonen verschiedene Stimmen aus Forschung und Praxis. So stellt sich nicht nur die Frage, ob Reformen des Betriebsverfassungsgesetzes, wie etwa das vereinfachte Wahlverfahren, tatsächlich greifen und weiterentwickelt werden sollten. Vielmehr geht es auch darum, ob es nicht sogar eines neuen, modernen Betriebsbegriffs bedarf, um aktuellen und zukünftigen Entwicklungen, wie der Entgrenzung und Dezentralisierung (Zerlegung von Betrieben in Kleinstbetriebe, Problematik der Sicherung von Vertretungsansprüchen entlang von Wertschöpfungsketten usw.), aber auch zunehmenden Dezentralisierungsprozessen (neue Arbeits- und Beschäftigungsformen (z.B. Crowdwork)), Paroli bieten zu können (vgl. u.a. Jürgens/Hoffmann/Schildmann 2017). Dass es neuer Denkanstöße und genauer, aktueller Fakten Bedarf, ist auch in Anbetracht der sich seit einiger Zeit abzeichnenden Zunahme mitbestimmungsfreier Zonen unstrittig. Im Rahmen der "Offensive Mitbestimmung" wird z.B. nicht grundlos darauf hingewiesen, dass die Zahl der von einem Betriebsrat vertretenen Beschäftigten kontinuierlich sinkt (vgl. Bolte/Fischer/Thannisch 2016: 641f.). Erhebungen des IAB belegen, dass die Verbreitung von Betriebsräten vor allem in Ostdeutschland bislang ein besonders großes Problem darstellt, wobei jedoch noch offen ist, ob sich dieser Trend fortsetzen wird, zumal sich im Spiegel jüngster Bestandsaufnahmen des IAB eine leichte Stabilisierung abzeichnet (vgl. Ellguth 2019). Oder anders formuliert: Wohin die Reise zukünftig gehen wird, ist noch offen, zumal das IAB in den letzten 25 Jahren stets Phasen der Stabilität sowie des Rückgangs im Deckungsgrad der betrieblichen Mitbestimmung beobachtet hat, was in Anbetracht der ohnehin "wechselvollen und konfliktreichen Geschichte" der Mitbestimmung nicht weiter erstaunt (vgl. Müller-Jentsch 2019). Fragt man nach den Faktoren, die für die Entwicklung und den Verbreitungsgrad von Betriebsräten ausschlaggebend sind, ist eine Vielzahl von Aspekten anzuführen. Zu nennen sind u.a. beschäftigungsstrukturelle Trends wie Entgrenzungsprozesse, u.a. ausgelöst durch die Zunahme von Werkverträgen, Leiharbeit und neue, informelle Beschäftigungsformen, die Tertiarisierung der Wirtschaft mit einem höheren Anteil an Kleinbetrieben und einer unterschiedlichen Beteiligungstradition sowie Unternehmensaufspaltungen und managementinitiierte Partizipationsformen als Alternative zur gesetzlichen Mitbestimmung (vgl. u.a. Hucker 2010: 56ff.). Diese Ursachenforschung ließe sich sicherlich - vor allem in Anbetracht der aktuellen Digitalisierungsprozesse - fortsetzen und sollte auch weiterhin von der betrieblichen Mitbestimmungsforschung aufgegriffen werden.

This article addresses the tense relationship between national and municipal approaches to the inclusion and exclusion of irregular immigrant 'non-citizens.' While national policies in the UK have created hostility for irregular migrants, municipallevel cities of sanctuary offer a 'warm welcome' which has been extolled as immanently progressive in the face of hostility. This article assesses the extent to which city-based sanctuary movements in the UK provide effective resistance to the national policies of hostility. Building on critiques of the City of Sanctuary (CoS) movement, effective resistance is redefined using a Foucauldian counter-conduct approach. Through applying a counter-conduct lens to a document analysis of the CoS newsletter archive and online resources, the article shows it is not easy to dismiss sanctuary as ineffective resistance, as some earlier critiques have argued. Rather, CoS is demonstrated as both effective and ineffective counter-conduct due to its uneven approach to the various discourses within the hostile environment.

An increasing number of scientific publications are created in open and transparent peer review models: a submission is published first, and then reviewers are invited, or a submission is reviewed in a closed environment but then these reviews are published with the final article, or combinations of these. Reasons for open peer review include giving better credit to reviewers, and enabling readers to better appraise the quality of a publication. In most cases, the full, unstructured text of an open review is published next to the full, unstructured text of the article reviewed. This approach prevents human readers from getting a quick impression of the quality of parts of an article, and it does not easily support secondary exploitation, e.g., for scientometrics on reviews. While document formats have been proposed for publishing structured articles including reviews, integrated tool support for entire open peer review workflows resulting in such documents is still scarce. We present AR-Annotator, the Automatic Article and Review Annotator which employs a semantic information model of an article and its reviews, using semantic markup and unique identifiers for all entities of interest. The fine-grained article structure is not only exposed to authors and reviewers but also preserved in the published version. We publish articles and their reviews in a Linked Data representation and thus maximise their reusability by third party applications. We demonstrate this reusability by running quality-related queries against the structured representation of articles and their reviews.

Our study is the first that aims at estimating the intra-individual effect of marital dissolution on mental health, conditional on parenthood status and age of the youngest biological child. We rely on the set point model that predicts a onlinear, homeostatic self-regulation process with an anticipatory effect and a subsequent recovery phase. Assuming heterogeneous effects, we expect both parenthood status and age of the youngest biological child grouped into five distinct categories to moderate the strength of the dissolution-health nexus. We use GSOEP data and restrict our sample to women and men who were at risk for first marital dissolution within the observational period 2002 to 2016. The dependent variable is the mental health component of the SF-12 survey instrument. We estimate distributed fixed-effects (dummy impact functions), covering the time span from three (or more) years before marital dissolution up to six (or more) years afterwards. Compared to the baseline, childless women exhibit a considerable impairment in mental health after dissolution, experiencing a slower recovery than childless men. Our most unambiguous result is the negative anticipation and a subsequent downward trajectory of mental health among mothers of infants and toddlers, whereas in the respective group of fathers we do not observe any change over time. In all other parent groups, mental health reacts mostly in a short-term manner to dissolution, except for fathers of pre- and primary school children whose mental health remains unchanged. Our study provides new evidence on mental health dynamics around marital dissolution and raises the awareness of mental distress, loneliness and potential social exclusion faced by childless and parents, in particular by lone mothers of young children.

Radicalized Islamist attitudes or expressions of opinion do not automatically lead to corresponding violent acts among young people from Islamist socialization milieus. But they contribute to the legitimacy of violent activities, because any violence against other groups is always dependent on such patterns of attitude, which imply a devaluation of foreign groups, which is given by the radicalized Islamist attitudes towards persons of other faiths. The research project "Islamist attitudes among young Muslims in Germany" examines the patterns and social backgrounds, including the actors who promote such legitimation-providing attitudes among adolescents. In order to prepare the survey, selected parts of the questionnaire should be subjected to a cognitive pretest under methodological and questionnaire-related aspects and revised based on the test results. The questionnaire was developed in German and translated into Turkish and Arabic, among other languages. The aim of the cognitive pretest was to test both the original questionnaire and the translations. To test the Turkish and Arabic questionnaires, simultaneous interpreters were to be added to the cognitive interviews via video conference. For this purpose, the GESIS pretest laboratory was commissioned to carry out the cognitive pretest.

This paper explores the role of knowledge, standards, and metrics in global health. Our point of departure is the observation that the emergence of 'global health' as a domain of research, policy, and practice in the last three decades or so has coincided with an increased interest in the validation and use of measures of health, such as the Disability Adjusted Life Year (DALY), in monitoring and assessing health equity across territories and populations. This 'elective affinity' between global health and health metrics has become the focus of scholarly debate in the social sciences. In this paper, we seek to contextualise and critically discuss the different positions in this debate. We suggest that emplacing health metrics within the neo-liberal logic of health production - one where the 'mechanisms of life' are aligned with the maximisation of economic productivity - does not fully capture the interactive relationship between health measurement and the politics of health. Instead, we argue that this relationship has been characterised by controversy and uncertainty about how to interlock normative ideals and approaches to knowledge-making about health.