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View that the creation of an international authority to oversee Gaza and the West Bank is the only solution to the road map impasse between the Israelis and Palestinians accusing each other of broken promises. Summaries in English and Spanish p. 475 and 487.

This project deals with the historical, social and political aspects of the Karabakh issue regarding its origins, development and the current status of the conflict and its precedents and implications for other secessionist wars subsequent to the war in the autumn of 2020. This book also explores the international legal precedents of self-determination versus territorial integrity and the latest successful weapons developments lessons from the recent war involving drones and Azerbaijans rich oil reserves. M. Hakan Yavuz is Professor of Political Science at the University of Utah, USA. Michael M. Gunter is Professor of Political Science at Tennessee Technological, University in Cookeville, USA.

The volume of international transfers of major conventional weapons in 2006-10 was 24 per cent higher than in 2001-2005, continuing the upward trend. The United States and Russia were the largest exporters of major conventional weapons in 2006-10, accounting for 53 per cent of the volume of exports. Countries in Asia were their largest recipients. Economic and foreign policy considerations continued to play a central role in their respective decisions on arms exports. The US Administration has made proposals to reform its export controls to prevent arms and technology from reaching adversaries and to better facilitate transfers to allies. Russia's decision in 2010 to cancel the delivery of S-300 air defence systems to Iran is significant for its reputation as a 'reliable' supplier. The major recipient region in 2006-10 was Asia and Oceania (accounting for 43 per cent of imports of major conventional weapons), followed by Europe (21 per cent) and the Middle East (17 per cent). India was the largest recipient of major conventional weapons in 2006-10, pushing China into second place. South Korea (6 per cent), Pakistan (5 per cent) and Greece (4 per cent) were the other largest recipients. Although India and Pakistan have both imported large quantities of weapons to counter external security threats, internal security challenges are currently the most pressing issue for Pakistan and also a source of much concern in India. India is the target of intense supplier competition for billion-dollar deals, in particular for combat aircraft and submarines. Pakistan relies on US military aid and Chinese soft loans for most of its acquisitions. Both countries are likely to remain major recipients in the coming years. Member states of the European Union are obliged to apply criteria relating to conflict prevention when making decisions on export licence applications. A framework has been elaborated for EU members to harmonize interpretation of these criteria, along with those applying to human rights and economic development. However, during 2006-10 divisions among EU member states on the interpretation of criteria relating to conflict prevention have been particularly evident with regard to Israel, Georgia and Russia. Differences between EU members relate in large part to the long-standing arms trade and security ties with certain states, as well as national security and economic interests more generally. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractAs a way to manage political disagreements over public policies, political representatives might be tempted to avoid open discussions by depoliticising political issues—hoping that the conflict may eventually disappear. When decision-makers employ such strategies, it is up to the administration to make political priorities and manage unresolved policy conflicts. Earlier studies indicate that there are at least two strategies that administrators can employ to manage such ambiguities: (re)framing and technical depoliticisation. This article reveals that public administrators also employ a third framing strategy: repoliticisation, where administrators seek to endow their policy areas with political power by connecting politicians to the work and implementation of policies. The study is based on 38 interviews from 11 municipalities in Sweden.

The Arab-Israeli conflict even today represents one of the most complex
problems facing the international community. The biggest controversy of the
problem lies in the conflicting interpretations of the reasons offered by
both sides. The way to overcome this impasse, is precisely the way recourse
to international institutions. For this reason, the surprising fact is, that
one very important decision of The International Court of Justice, it seems,
remained unjustly neglected, especially if we take into account the
importance of the issues which the Court dealt and the beneficial impact that
this decision may have in the process of resolving the conflict in the Middle
East. We believe that Advisory Opinion on Legal Consequences of the
Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory hides the way to
a possible solution of this exhausting conflict. To consider because it comes
to a legal analysis of the situation, which was given by the authorities in
whose objectivity we supposed not to suspect as we supposed not to doubt on
the objectivity of international law. Therefore, we consider it important to
once again remind the decision, believing that in this way we can help to
better understand the nature of this conflict, but also the reasons which
indicate its possible peaceful solution.

Examines six US military interventions and how decisions to begin and end them were made; 1946-89. Interventions in Greece (1946-49), the Congo (1964-65), Lebanon (1958), Dominican Republic (1965-66), Grenada (1983), and Panama (1989).

This book provides a comprehensive study of asymmetric territorial conflict combining game theory, statistical empirical analysis and historiographic analysis. It proposes a model to explain the dynamics of territorial conflict between rivals with a wide disparity in capabilities between them. Using the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a case study and testing the model on a database of almost four hundred territorial conflicts, Resnick argues that changes in 'patience' - explained by parallel evolutionary processes occurring in the respectively strong and weak societies - underlie the changing behaviour witnessed in such rivalries. Located within the general context of the interplay between material constraints and ideas, the theoretical significance of this model goes beyond the context of territorial conflict and can be seen to provide an explanation for the ideational aspects of power transitions and change in world politics. This book constitutes a significant advance in the literature on territorial conflict, which has increasingly come to be recognized as a key field of enquiry in the discipline of conflict studies and international relations scholarship in general.

This book explores the causes and implications of the Libyan crisis since the anti-Gaddafi uprisings of 2011 from the perspective of the EU and NATO. It asks the question of why those organizations failed to stabilize the country despite the serious challenges posed by the protracted crisis to European and transatlantic stakes in the region. This book argues that such failure originated in a twofold problem common to both organizations: their prioritization of legitimacy over strategy, and their path dependence ⁰́₃ the insufficient degree of adaptation to meet the different needs of the crisis. Through a critical and integrated analysis of official sources and extensive interviews with EU, NATO, UN, and national government officials and militaries, as well as from NGO personnel, Libyan institutions and civil society, and media, the volume brings the perspective of both state and non-state actors to the fore. It reveals how wrong assumptions and centrifugal forces within the EU and NATO hampered initiatives, and how the inability to use hard power judiciously in an increasingly complex and multifaceted scenario worsened the crisis, which allowed for unprecedented influence of regional and global competitors such as Egypt, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Turkey and Russia in the richest African country. This book will be of key interest for scholars and students of Libya and North Africa, NATO, the European Union, security and conflict studies, Middle East studies, migration, terrorism, peacebuilding and more broadly to international relations.

During armed conflict, sexual violence against women regularly takes on different forms than against the male gender. Frequently, men and boys are attacked either by coercion to witness sexual violence committed against their family and community members, or to rape and sexually assault
others. The shared feature of both forms of such victimization is that they rarely constitute an attack on the individual alone. Instead, they are utilized by perpetrators as a war tactic to debase entire communities. Protection for male victims of these forms of sexual violence is limited
due to a disconnect between formal statutory provisions under International Criminal Law (ICL) criminalizing sexual violence and the jurisprudential interpretation thereof. The jurisprudence of the international criminal courts and tribunals has been widely criticized in academic literature
for misclassifying sexual harm against men and accommodating it incoherently under various provisions other than the explicit sexual violence norms. The prosecutorial and jurisprudential dichotomy partly originates in the lack of clarity surrounding these selected forms of sexual violence.
In light of their devastating impact on men and boys, this article aims to map the inconsistencies within and between selected international criminal courts and tribunals and prompts to rethink current international criminal jurisprudence to coherently address and condemn such forms of sexual
violence.

International crime and justice is an emerging field that covers international and transnational crimes that have not been the focus of mainstream criminology or criminal justice. This book examines the field from a global perspective. It provides an introduction to the nature of international and transnational crimes and the theoretical perspectives that assist in understanding the relationship between social change and the waxing and waning of the crime opportunities resulting from globalization, migration, and culture conflicts. Written by a team of world experts, it examines the central role of victim rights in the development of legal frameworks for the prevention and control of transnational and international crimes. It also discusses the challenges to delivering justice and obtaining international cooperation in efforts to deter, detect, and respond to these crimes