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Despite its importance to gender inequality, household incomes, and labor markets, the reasons behind Britain being one of the last major Western nations to introduce equal pay have been relatively neglected. This article first examines the campaign for equal pay from the late Victorian era to its eventual introduction in 1970. Economists predicted that equal pay would produce substantial female unemployment, but policy makers correctly doubted this—as data collected from early adopters in West Europe and North America showed no significant rise in female unemployment. Female employment rose substantially during Britain's equal pay implementation—while, in contrast to broadly static earnings differentials from 1950 to 1970, there was a significant reduction in the gender pay gap, followed by a longer-term trend of narrowing differentials. This article explores why equal pay expanded female employment, given the absence of any sudden rise in women workers productivity or substantial acceleration of structural change in favor of female-employing sectors. The article finds that equal pay compelled employers to reevaluate the real worth of female workers based on their substantial relative human capital growth since 1945. This had not hitherto been reflected in relative earnings, owing to barriers such as segmented labor markets, monopsonistic employers, and collective bargaining procedures that fossilized traditional gender pay differentials.

This article examines the relationship between food insecurity and the uncertainty and inadequate financial resources associated with low quality work among lone mother households in the United States. Food insecurity has increased since the start of the Great Recession and is particularly high among lone mother households. Using data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation, I find that mothers who have been employed part-time involuntarily and experienced job loss have an increased likelihood of experiencing food insecurity. This relationship holds even after controlling for multiple measures of household income, suggesting the relationship between low quality work and food insecurity is not solely determined by low financial resources. Results suggest that, to reduce food insecurity among lone mother families, policymakers must address both the low wages and uncertainty associated with low quality employment.

Abstract
In 1915, the Constitutionalist faction of Venustiano Carranza moved into southern Mexico, promising revolutionary justice and retribution against The Reaction. Unfamiliar with the social topography of the region, Carranza's men depended on information gleaned from dubious sources to make key political decisions. Groups competing for the Constitutionalists' patronage flooded Carranza's correspondence, accentuating their own revolutionary bona fides while exposing their enemies. The result was a political milieu of denunciation, and nowhere was this milieu more acrimonious than in Juchitán, a coveted transportation hub in the isthmus region of Oaxaca. Using the Carranza archive in Mexico City, this essay examines denunciations sent from Juchitán in early 1915. These letters reveal an unmediated "popular voice," unbound from the public sphere, its code of honor, and its recognition of the realm of privacy. The shift of public politics into the private sphere had two important consequences. First, unsubstantiated information—rumors, gossip—gained a prominent position in local politics. Second, it opened the door to political participation to marginalized groups, particularly the working classes and women. This essay examines two letters in detail, one from an "honorable worker" and the other from a prominent woman, both dealing in rumor, gossip, and conspiracy. Despite their inherent unreliability, these letters give us a window into the construction of the camarilla, prevailing perceptions about politics and the accumulation of wealth, and the possibilities and limits of women's participation in high politics.

Some say that the Union is built by moving from crisis to crisis. Crises in the last decade which affected the Union and its citizens concerned, inter alia, public finance (the financial crisis, 2008), migration (2014), public health (the COVID-19 pandemic, 2020) and the rule of law crisis (2018). This paper focus on the latter. It has been noted that some Member States have been happy to receive the benefits of EU membership, specifically the financial ones, while their commitment to European values, including the rule of law (Article 2 TEU), has been lacking. Since many instruments applied by EU institutions to improve this situation have proved rather insufficient, halting transfers of EU funds to these recalcitrant Member States has been touted as the way that might solve this crisis. Accordingly, a draft regulation was put on the table that authorised the EU institutions to suspend EU funds if a Member State is found to be in breach of the rule of law. This draft aimed to make the transfer of EU funds to the Member States conditional upon their continuous respect for the rule of law (and therefore became known as 'the rule of law conditionality'). This paper comments on this draft as first proposed by the Commission in 2018 (Proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the protection of the Union budget in the event of generalized gaps in the rule of law in the Member States [COM (2018) 324 final).], amended in 2019 by the European Parliament [European Parliament legislative resolution of 4 April 2019 on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the protection of the Union's budget in case of generalised deficiencies as regards the rule of law in the Member States (COM(2018)0324–C8-0178/2018–2018/0136(COD)); https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/seance_pleniere/textes_adoptes/provisoire/2019/04-04/0349/P8_TA-PROV(2019)0349_EN.pdf. A draft version of these provisions was presented in von Bogdandy and Łacny (Suspension of EU funds for ...

AbstractThe paper makes an unprecedented claim by identifying a significant relationship between money's (immaterial and intrinsic‐worth‐detached) essence and the measurement of inflation rates, on the one hand, and bubbles and private/public indebtedness, on the other hand. The inflationary potential of cryptocurrencies—among others: xenocurrencies and special drawing rights—is also analysed. Another added value is the consistently macroeconomic approach, which starts from the structural and interconnected mechanisms and then explains economic‐financial crises and their increasingly common features.

International audience ; This chapter analyses the socioeconomic role played by Khampa traders in twentieth-century Tibet, focusing in particular on the increasing political and economic power gained in the 1940s and 1950s by members of the most influential eastern Tibetan trading firms. The discussion is enriched by information drawn from the travel journal of Khatag Dzamyag, an otherwise unknown Khampa trader. The author's recollection, spanning over a period of thirteen years (1944-1956), mainly spent journeying, trading, and pilgrimaging, provides the scholar with an insider's perspective on events until now known only through the conventional historiographical writing.