Suchergebnisse

Disability as a marginalised subject position is not conspicuous in Postcolonial Studies, although it does constitute a material presence and is a lived experience in the Global South. Disability Studies in the Global North often downplays social inequality and diversity that is a direct result of inequalities perpetuated by centuries of colonialism. This is problematic for indigenous populations that are disabled, as their 'agency' is left out in both the postcolonial and the disability narrative. This article examines the position of the subaltern that exists within subalternity, through the works of Professor Gayatri C. Spivak, and further aims to examine whether the space occupied by the subaltern is characteristically similar as a disenfranchised group to that of disabled people. Spivak's method of affirmative sabotage and deconstruction in postcolonial studies will be used to rethink the position of disabled children to conclude that the subaltern and the experience of impairment are similarly 'disabling', and that disabled subaltern in treaties such as the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child cannot actually speak.

Ursula Kroeber Le Guin (1929-2018) a écrit de nombreux ouvrages salués par ses pairs, par la critique (Prix Hugo, Nebula, etc.) et par le public. Malgré la puissance de son œuvre et ses qualités littéraires, l'audience de ses livres a connu une éclipse. Ceux-ci sont aujourd'hui redécouverts et plébiscités autant par la communauté des lecteurs·trices et des auteur·trices de science-fiction que par les militant·es. Les textes d'Ursula K. Le Guin, notamment les plus connus comme Les Dépossédés (Robert Laffont, 1975) et La Main gauche de la nuit (Robert Laffont, 1971), offrent à celles et ceux qui s'y plongent des univers oniriques mais profondément politiques. Le Guin y explore différents thèmes en –isme : l'anarchisme et le communisme, l'écologisme et le féminisme, ou encore le colonialisme. Dans ce mini-dossier consacré à quelques livres de cette anthropologue, créatrice de mondes et d'utopies, Mouvements a demandé à plusieurs autrices et auteurs de SF de présenter leur regard sur un livre d'Ursula K. Le Guin.

AbstractIn this article, Ng examines Tan Malaka's engagements with labor universalism and Muslim universality in his respective attempts to theorize the problematic of minority subjectivity vis-à-vis universal emancipation. Located at the periphery of global capitalism, Indonesia, though embodying conditions of subordination, exploitation, and unfreedom through historical colonialism, is notably marked by a necessary unevenness in totalization and complete subsumption; this set of heteronomous conditions gave rise to historically distinct and specific discourses and forms of resistance. In positing the Dutch East Indies as one of the peripheral sites within a global Marxist knowledge economy, Ng argues that the constellation of Marxist discourses articulated by Tan Malaka—organized around the "Muslim question"—attempt to powerfully link the question of peripherality to emergent notions of the universal. Ultimately, the "Muslim" for Tan Malaka emerges not as an identity, historical subject, or a people per se, but as a "minor" political model of composition immanent to the relations of capital.

Abstract
The drive to decolonise is of central importance to the study of fascism, which after all was and remains a politics rooted in specific conceptions of colonialism and race. In this article, we have invited both leading academics and early career scholars to reflect on how we might 'decolonise' fascist studies. Their comments approach fascism in a range of contexts, and offer reflections on how to frame future research questions, approach methodological issues, and consider how fascism studies might develop a more overt and clear stance on the problems posed by decolonising the subject area more broadly. It is hoped that these commentaries will enrich the field of fascist studies and, in turn, do more to relate it to the work of scholars in other relevant areas of study, particularly those working on critical theories of race and racism. Contributors to this debate are: Leslie James, Raul Carstocea, Daniel Hedinger, Liam J. Liburd, Cathy Bergin, Benjamin Bland, Evan Smith, Jonathan Hyslop, Benjamin Zachariah, and Caroline Campbell.

There is a growing body of feminist scholarship and literature exploring the ways in which Western patriarchal technologies of gender differentiation and sexual violence structure the racial categorisation and dehumanisation that define South Africa's history of slavery, colonialism and apartheid. In this article, I consider the gendered history of white Afrikaner nationalism in the context of these insights. Using the decolonial feminist lens of María Lugones, I interpret the historical and contemporary patriarchal subjugation of the white Afrikaner woman as a site of the production and maintenance of colonial racial categories and hierarchies. Gaining a better understanding of how gender operated as a colonial mode of organisation in the process of forging the ethno-racialised white identity of the Afrikaner in the early nineteenth century in opposition to the black indigenous majority population helps to explain how the continued patriarchal subjugation of white Afrikaner women by Afrikaner men in postcolonial/postapartheid South Africa works to reassert and maintain colonial racial categories and inequalities that continue to plague the country.

My research explores the Cleveland baseball franchise's role in the cultural reproduction of White settler space in the NE Ohio region. Using a multi‐site, mixed‐methods approach, I examine prominent narratives about Indian‐ness and ownership circulated for over a century in NE Ohio socio‐cultural spheres. I elucidate how the franchise's storytelling regarding its "Indians" identity produces localized meanings of Indian‐ness that Cleveland baseball fans reiterate and manipulate in protest narratives (what fans said in interactions with Indigenous people and allies protesting the team's "Indians" identity outside Cleveland baseball stadium) and published narratives (what fans said in published opinions following the team's name change announcement). Ultimately, this study reveals how settler‐constructed histories that disregard US imperialism and colonialism commingle with regional stories of romanticized Indian‐ness to amplify processes of colonial unknowing and reproduce White settler space. Such spaces normalize settler possession of Indigenous territories and identities, prioritize settler interests (both material and psychological), affirm White innocence, and animate racialized emotions of repulsion and disgust for Indigenous peoples.

Abstract
Using the city of Bangalore as a specific instance, this article puts together the framework of metabolic cities and techno-spheres to show how ecology and infrastructure constituted colonial cities. Divided between the colonial cantonment governed by the British and the petah or native market town/village governed by the Mysore prince, colonial medics were concerned by numerous diseases affecting the city. Attempts to control the flows of water from the cantonment to the native town proved futile. Amidst famine like conditions from the 1870s, chronic water shortages affected the city. In the 1890s, the plague struck Bangalore. The plague affected the barracks, streets, neighbourhoods and homes. Together, the diseases and water shortages led to new piped water schemes drawn from outside the city and wholesale changes in housing. The article moves beyond the framework of 'sanitary cities', at the confluence of colonialism, the body, fixed infrastructures and micro and macro ecological phenomena.

Waikīkī is a world-renowned leisure destination; at least, that is the image flung vehemently around the world about Hawaiʻi. This framing of Hawaiʻi as paradisiac is parasitic, it eats away and denigrates the enduring relationship that Hawaiʻi the land and the people have. During the COVID-19 pandemic, we have seen a shift in the way our home feels. Tourism, a self-proclaimed necessity of Hawaiʻi's economy, was not only put on hold, it was essentially eliminated. Through this project I would like to present pre/post-colonialist modalities of Hawaiʻi, to contest and disarm this space densely affected by militourism. Hawaiʻi has been framed as a leisure destination first by colonialists and much later by hip hop music. My approach to contesting these projections is to refuse this notion and feature lines from songs, chants and prayers related to Waikīkī which are pre/postcolonial and have been influenced by colonialism through hip hop.

Abstract
The concept of utopia is from the moment of its inception umbilically tied to modern conceptions of progress that have legitimized settler colonialism, the genocide of Indigenous peoples, the violent subordination of women and racial and sexual "others," ecocide, and a "grow or die" form of civilization that is now threatening the very existence of all life on the planet. Drawing on the critical socialist insights of Gustav Landauer, Ernst Bloch, and Walter Benjamin, and the "non-Euclidean" utopianism of Ursula K. Le Guin, this article challenges the common association between utopia and culturally dominant ideas of progress and outlines a temporally and spatially grounded alternative approach to the study of utopias suitable to a post-anthropocentric world. The aims of the analysis are at once scholarly and practical: scholarly, inasmuch as it develops conceptual tools conducive to fresh interpretations of utopian texts and practices; and practical, insofar as it vitalizes utopian thought and action by illuminating hitherto obscure aspects of utopianism's transformative potential.

This article critically engages with Denis Villeneuve's Blade Runner 2049, focusing on the relationship between colonial logics and biological engineering that understands the natural world as property. First, it discusses the connections between the film and the shifting status of biopolitics becoming thanatopolitics, prompted by advances in synthetic biology. It argues that the film's preoccupation with the reproductive capacity of its replicants retraces a racialized (post) colonialism and reconfigured slavery, or the voluntary labour of the occupied – as normalized in synthetic biology and the ongoing processes of devaluing of some lives over others for socioeconomic reasons. Second, and relatedly, the film reveals how deeply the thanatopolitics of a biopolitical economy is rooted in an intensification of racialized and colonial logics. The film thus doubles as a medium in which to grasp the centrality of colonial and racial logics to the ongoing real subsumption of life by capital, and the ways in which it continues to shape the present.

In 2020, Europe was the setting for several events that sparked off a broad debate on the need for the decolonisation of thought, practices, spaces, monuments and museums. Historically, several European countries have had a direct or indirect relationship with colonialism and its practices, as well as with the authoritarian ways of managing and exercising power (Cahen and Matos 2018; Cooper and Stoler 1997; Matos 2019). The need to reflect on imperial ruins (Stoler 2013) and to decolonise thought today is therefore understandable. This was not always considered urgent, however. Additionally, there was not always an opportunity for it. In the postcolonial period, debates were limited mainly to academia and, more recently, to the world of museums, where the hot issue of repatriation of artefacts and human remains that were pillaged, stolen, or abusively gathered in the Third World was initiated by the 1970 UNESCO Convention against Illicit Export under the Act to implement the Convention (the Cultural Property Implementation Act) and boosted by the successive UNESCO resolutions on repatriation (Sansone 2017; 2019).

AbstractThis article provides ethnographic, comparative, and theoretical perspectives on Muslim masculinities in South and Southeast Asia, home to more than half the world's 1.9 billion Muslims. Its empirical and thematic focus broadens the scholarly discussion of gender and sexuality among Muslims insofar as most of the literature deals with the Middle East and North Africa and is devoted to women and the discourses and practices of femininity and sexuality associated with them. More specifically, the article develops theoretical insights bearing on gender hegemonies and the pluralities and hierarchies of discourses on masculinities in the Muslim-majority nations of Pakistan and Malaysia, each of which illustrates broad trends in the region. It thus sheds important light on the empirical diversity of Muslim masculinities (amidst commonalities) and some of the ways they have been informed by locally and regionally variable macro-level processes keyed to colonialism, postcolonial nation-building, global/neoliberal capitalism, and post-Cold War geopolitical struggles including the Global War on Terror.

The article explores the relevance of neo-colonial theory for criminology, and its contribution to understanding why and how penal policy and models travel from the global North to the global South. An empirical example is employed to review arguments for and against 'penal neo-colonialism' and to tease out the theory's strengths and limitations; namely the European Union's 'penal aid' to shape West African countries' penal policies and practices to stop illicit flows and irregular mobility to Europe. The article further discusses neo-colonial theory's concepts of agency, power and sovereignty by comparing them to similar poststructuralist perspectives on the 'contingent sovereignty' of 'governance states'. Moreover, by drawing on a theoretical discussion on statehood in African studies, it looks at how the sovereignty of African states has been conceptualized as hollowed out 'from above' as well as 'from below'. In doing so, the article contributes to a recent criminological debate that has problematized the relationship between (travelling) penal power and state sovereignty.

The World March of Women is an example of the transnationalization of popular feminism from below as defined by four elements: the diversity of women's struggles, grassroots women as political subjects, alliances with mixed movements, and popular education as a feminist methodology. Class analysis is most prominent, with tensions and challenges linked to attempts to address issues of heteronormativity and racial colonialism, in part because of differences between local spaces in a global network and between relatively more localized and transnationalized scales of practice. A Marcha Mundial das Mulheres é um exemplo de transnacionalização do feminismo popular desde abaixo definido por quatro elementos: diversidades nos obstáculos das mulheres, as mulheres de raiz como sujeitos políticos, alianças com movimentos mistos e educação popular como metodologia feminista. A análise de classe é mais proeminente, com tensões e desafios ligados às tentativas que abordam questões de heteronormatividade e colonialismo racial, em parte por causa das diferenças entre espaços locais dentro de uma rede global e entre escalas de prática relativamente locais e transnacionalizadas.

Historians have pointed to overseas colonialism and 'race science' as influential in the construction of European sexual science. Soviet sexology arose on a 'semi-periphery' between Europe and colonised societies. The 'Others' against whom Russian sexual ideals were forged would be
'internally colonised' peasants and non-Russian ethnicities of the Soviet Union's internal orient. Pre-Stalinist sexology blended the 'sexual revolution' with European sexual science focused on workers in the Slavic urban industrial heartland; nationalities beyond this perceived heartland
lagged behind and their sex lives required modernisation. Stalin virtually curtailed sexological research. After 1945 the party revived it to spur fertility, especially in Slavic urban centres where births had dropped below replacement rate. Ideological control constrained sexologists, confining
them to silos, limiting internationalisation and cramping research. But new, heteronormative therapeutic measures, some from Western science, and others devised at home, were developed. Less vocal than Western or Eastern Bloc sexology, Soviet sex research continued to display anxiety about
internal national and ethnic Others into the 1980s and beyond.