Suchergebnisse

This article investigates the concept of using cell–phone technology for obtaining information about unofficial (off–register) transfers in land as are commonly undertaken by the urban poor in South Africa. Since the introduction of social housing programmes in South Africa after the democratic elections in 1994, mass land distribution and housing projects have been undertaken. Formal transfer of these properties has been discouraged by policy (such as a moratorium on transfers for a period of years), and the inaccessibility of land professionals and formal processes to the poor. From the disuse of formal transfer mechanisms one can conclude that these fail, at least in part, to meet the needs of this segment of society. Cell– (mobile) phone technology penetrates urban poverty more than other interactive technologies such as the internet, largely due to the lack of access to computers and the 'digital divide'. The aim of this article is exploratory. It investigates the potential use of cell–phone technology as a means to inform authorities that a transfer of property has taken place informally or semi–formally. Such information could pave the way for a process of formal registration and hence aid the upkeep of the deeds registration system. Research into the potential use of the cell–phone as an information and communication technology (ICT) tool of land administration, particularly in the developing world, is undertaken. It is envisaged that a more detailed investigation will follow, which will include an analysis of organisational and legislative capacity. Further study in which the use of cell–phone technology in land administration is tested, taking into consideration structural/organisational factors as well as socio–economic and cultural factors and motivating factors for use, may be required.

Scientists have devoted substantial attention to the period of the second occupation of Lithuania. However, the issue of book publishing, printing and distribution during the period hereinbefore mentioned was covered in outline until now. The purpose of the article is to comprehensively highlight different aspects of book publishing in Lithuania, including Nazis' illegal actions and high-handed behaviour towards Lithuanian publishing and printing houses and the brave attempts of the latter to protect and maintain the publishing of books. Particular attention is given to social, cultural and political processes involved in book publishing, printing and distribution. The Nazi controlled the whole process of publishing, from the check of a book's contents to the distribution. Nonetheless, there were published many books important for the Lithuanian culture, owing to the courage and wit of publishers, printers, readers and others who cherished books and realized their value for the coming generations. The chronological limits of the research were fixed between the second half of 1941 and the second half of 1944 inclusive, and the territory covered the Vilnius region regained in 1939, but did not cover the Klaipėda region annexed the same year. The bibliographical periodical "Bibliografijos žinios" published in 1941–1943 as well as a significant collection of different administrative documents belonging to the publishing house "Valstybine leidykla" and books published in 1941–1944, kept in the National Martynas Mažvydas library, should be considered the most valuable sources of the printed heritage of the period. It is exactly these sources that were mainly used to make a comprehensive bibliographical listing of books published during the Nazi occupation of Lithuania, an accurate statistical analysis due to which it was possible to assess the publishing tendencies.

There is an inescapable link between the abstract world of theories and the real world of politics. It is hard to create an equitable policy if the basic organizing principles are flawed. Respectively, it is hard to construct a well-grounded theory with the lack of knowledge of the global processes. As Stephen Walt (1998) noticed, disagreements about policy usually rest on more fundamental disagreements about the basic forces that shape international outcomes. Take, for example, the current debate on how to define the European Union (EU). On the one hand, EU can be defined as a single actor, one of many other actors of international system, which existance is based on a common identity of all member states. On the other hand, EU can be explained as a unit of sovereign states, which are acting independently from one another. The latter perceptions reflect the basic statements of two theories – respectively constructivism and neorealism. According to the specific nature of the EU, as a global actor of international system, when both – normative and with hard power related – aspects can be distinguished in the actions of the Union, constructivism and neorealism are the theories most valuable to explain the current processes. The debate over determination of a security object and threats that occur to it seems different depending on which theory they employ. In neorealist point of view the main object of security is a state that seeks to meet its egoistic interests by improving its power (military or/and economic). From the perspective of constructivism, an object of security is what a securitizing actor refers to. Following this logic, various political, economic, social derivatives might become an object of security. [.].

Regional policy of European Union promoted a long time ago uniformly regional development as one of its own integration priority, and each phase in integration process of individual states monitoring appropriately growing distribution of the financial assets, which helps them to accomplish those developing goals. However, in regional Europe are also present disintegrations, which are solving by upgrading already accomplished self-determination of few regions by cultural, political and economical model of government. Therefore, pro-European regionalism architects primary present the citizen as active social subject. In Southeast Europe, with big political and economical diversity, and territorial dispersion of nations, the discussion about different aspects of regionalism are becoming more and more significance. This area is characteristic by cultural diversity, disbelief, political barriers, stereotype, which are crowded by centuries. The escalation of the abduct ethno-nationalistic polities, at the end of the last century, lead here to the wars and "ethnic cleaning". All that, complicate the realization of the euro-regional concept, and also threat further fragmentation of this area and don't conduce to developing mutual identity of this region. Regionalization and balanced regional development are here main criterion for incorporation in European economical structure, but also for democratization and society development. The object of this research is to examine the possibilities of regionalization and balanced regional development of geo-area Southeast Europe, in context existing euro regional standards. To this end, it is necessary, throw complexly analysis of EU experiences in this area, which can be also useful, instructive and applicative, determined for rational solutions in this countries. It could be a contribution for affirmation of regional development in this part Europe, which is serious and inevitable duty (mission) that follows.

Researches in the medical remote monitoring at home have taken a great consideration and care in wireless
communication these last years.
The set of these researches is linked to the aging population and lack of infrastructures of reception for persons
exposed to accident's risks in their daily life or degradation of their health in short time. The principal objective is
to permit a taking off for medical and social dependant people as aged ones, handicapped, in order to the
adaptation with their environment domestically and make up their incapacities. In this case, it is indispensable to
make a diagnostic in a real time and managed really the given data of patients between medical actors with the
permanent security insurance of highly risky patients.
Furthermore, the need to make a speed diagnostic of patients and to detect their health state with efficacy
permits the gain of time in their taking off.
The stakes of setting up such systems are numerous, so much for patients, medical staff and the society
generally. So, it is useful to detect and prevent the occurrence of critical situations of a person at home, implying
the transmission of message and alarms to actors concerned and ready to intervene in case of necessity.
Our attention has been focused on the choice of a relevant work. It concerns an application on a mobile terminal
(MIDlet) for monitoring patient in a non-hospital setting. This paper recalls a complete architecture of an
economic wireless transmission system with the implementation of an effective algorithm, adapted to the mobile
terminal, allowing to the doctor to have the results of analysis of ECG data wirelessly.

The concept "Socialism of XXIst century" was first used by German sociologist, Professor Heinz Dieterich Steffan. In his two books "El Socialismo del Siglo XXI" and "Hugo Chávez y el Socialismo del Siglo XXI" as well as in many articles and interviews he described what new socialism should look like. It is mainly consist of 4 institutions. First of all, Equivalence economy, which should be based on Marxian labor theory of value and which is democratically determined by those who directly create value, instead of marketeconomical principles. Second institution of Socialism of XXIst century is majority democracy, which makes use of plebiscites, referendums to decide upon important questions that concern the whole society. Majority democracy is also based on democratic state institutions as legitimate representatives of the common interests of the majority of citizens, with a suitable protection of minority rights. The third component of new socialism is the critical and responsible subject, the rationally, ethically and aesthetically self-determined citizen. The last part of the Socialism of XXIst century is classless society. In foreign policy it is very important regional cooperation. On January 30, 2005, in a speech to the 5th World Social Forum, Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez announced that he supported the creation of socialism of the XXIst century in Venezuela. According to Chavez, this socialism would be different from the socialism of the XXth century. While Chavez was vague about exactly how this new socialism would be different, he implied it would not be a state socialism as was practiced in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe or as is practiced in Cuba today. Rather, it would be a socialism that would be more pluralistic and less state-centred.[.].

The concept "Socialism of XXIst century" was first used by German sociologist, Professor Heinz Dieterich Steffan. In his two books "El Socialismo del Siglo XXI" and "Hugo Chávez y el Socialismo del Siglo XXI" as well as in many articles and interviews he described what new socialism should look like. It is mainly consist of 4 institutions. First of all, Equivalence economy, which should be based on Marxian labor theory of value and which is democratically determined by those who directly create value, instead of marketeconomical principles. Second institution of Socialism of XXIst century is majority democracy, which makes use of plebiscites, referendums to decide upon important questions that concern the whole society. Majority democracy is also based on democratic state institutions as legitimate representatives of the common interests of the majority of citizens, with a suitable protection of minority rights. The third component of new socialism is the critical and responsible subject, the rationally, ethically and aesthetically self-determined citizen. The last part of the Socialism of XXIst century is classless society. In foreign policy it is very important regional cooperation. On January 30, 2005, in a speech to the 5th World Social Forum, Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez announced that he supported the creation of socialism of the XXIst century in Venezuela. According to Chavez, this socialism would be different from the socialism of the XXth century. While Chavez was vague about exactly how this new socialism would be different, he implied it would not be a state socialism as was practiced in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe or as is practiced in Cuba today. Rather, it would be a socialism that would be more pluralistic and less state-centred.[.].

Abstract Our first aim in this paper is to synthesize the reasons why the scientific community maintains the assumption that we are immersed in a situation of planetary emergency at which we must and can react to make possible a sustainable future. Henceforth, we shall refer to a set of linked problems wich influence each other, such as an a very diverse pollution without borders, the loss of biodiversity, the depletion and destruction of natural resources or the extreme poverty of millions of human beings. We analyze next the causes of such situation, related to a socio-economic growth guided by particular interests in the short term which has ignored and exceeded the limits of the planet. It is within the framework of the steps which can be adopted to end the degradation process that we shall intend to elicit and discuss the obstacles impeding citizens and political leaders to get seriously involved in the essential task of making possible a sustainable future: to believe, for instance, that the nowadays degradation processes are natural and have nothing to do with human actions or that such processes are lineal and, therefore, slow and controllable, allowing then our adaptation. Finally, we shall refer to the necessity of a [r]evolution for sustainability unifying the concepts of revolution and evolution: revolution to indicate the necessity of deep changes in our ways of life and social organization; evolution to point out the fact that we cannot expect such changes as a result of a particular action, more or less limited in time, and thus being necessary a universal trend of citizens' implication in the construction of a sustainable future which all forms of education must encourage.

The concept "Socialism of XXIst century" was first used by German sociologist, Professor Heinz Dieterich Steffan. In his two books "El Socialismo del Siglo XXI" and "Hugo Chávez y el Socialismo del Siglo XXI" as well as in many articles and interviews he described what new socialism should look like. It is mainly consist of 4 institutions. First of all, Equivalence economy, which should be based on Marxian labor theory of value and which is democratically determined by those who directly create value, instead of marketeconomical principles. Second institution of Socialism of XXIst century is majority democracy, which makes use of plebiscites, referendums to decide upon important questions that concern the whole society. Majority democracy is also based on democratic state institutions as legitimate representatives of the common interests of the majority of citizens, with a suitable protection of minority rights. The third component of new socialism is the critical and responsible subject, the rationally, ethically and aesthetically self-determined citizen. The last part of the Socialism of XXIst century is classless society. In foreign policy it is very important regional cooperation. On January 30, 2005, in a speech to the 5th World Social Forum, Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez announced that he supported the creation of socialism of the XXIst century in Venezuela. According to Chavez, this socialism would be different from the socialism of the XXth century. While Chavez was vague about exactly how this new socialism would be different, he implied it would not be a state socialism as was practiced in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe or as is practiced in Cuba today. Rather, it would be a socialism that would be more pluralistic and less state-centred.[.].

This article takes the recent success and notoriety of John Cameron Mitchell's Shortbus (2006) as the occasion for an overview of "real" sex as a recurring motif and practice of commercial, nonpornographic cinema of recent years. Diverse in their generic modalities and, even more crucially, in their national and cultural origins, these films constitute a cinematic "counterpublic" along the lines Michael Warner prescribes for human and textual communities, recalibrating the relations among sexuality, visuality, and representation as they play out for public audiences and in the emphatically public, innately collaborative medium of cinema. "Counterpublic" also emerges as an apt descriptor of the New Queer Cinema of the 1990s, and indeed, Shortbus owes much of its uniqueness to its overt (indeed, explicit) interbraiding of New Queer tropes and intertexts with the formal and political dispositions of other "real sex" films. If, however, the film's felicitous coalition of these two lineages accounts for part of its utopian merriment and subversive zeal, Shortbus also reprises some of the cultural and political myopias (particularly in relation to gender and race) that the New Queer movement often had trouble transcending. The complex reflections and critiques of an American public that are embedded in the film's script, mise-en-scène, and processes of production are essential to the film's compatibility with other "real sex" films, where the invocation and interrogation of the "real" so often bears national and social as well as sexual weight. At the same time, in its very internationalism and stylistic heterogeneity, this cinematic counterpublic refuses any single model of the public, the political, the sexual, or the real, and sets ever-new horizons for the subversive potential of sexual images in cinema.

In the recent decades education is on the very fast change (development) process not only in Lithuania, but all over the world. New disciplines are being introduced into the content of teaching/studying programs, new teaching/ learning methods are used. Informal teaching is recognized more and more as a valuable method for education of a young personality. One of these informal methods of teaching is excursion. This method is not widely discussed in the scientific and methodological literature. So, the authors seek to analyze the definition and essence of the excursion as the educational method. Also, the authors see the problems for further research and also try to define the possibilities of improvement of the excursion as educational service and its management. For the definition of tourism and education concepts of cohesion, bringing the tour and its role in modern social-pedagogical environment were analyzed by different authors. Their analysis helped to determine that the tour is self-education and training, as other training and education form, an integral part of working with the audience and one of the forms of training, cultural entertainment and educational organization; episode measure, thematic cycle share, as well as one of the cognitive stages of scientific knowledge dissemination and education messaging form of cultural-educational work independently and as a form of organized tourism an integral part of tour guide and tourist communication between the tourist and form. Key auxiliary or non-formal education trends are: artistic education, ethnic culture, intellectual education, citizenship, democracy education, children's and youth organizations, rallies initiating altruistic activities, technical creativity, ecology, ecological education, healthy lifestyle education, sightseeing, culture and communication, positive individual preferences, the promotion of recreational humanization. [.].

In the recent decades education is on the very fast change (development) process not only in Lithuania, but all over the world. New disciplines are being introduced into the content of teaching/studying programs, new teaching/ learning methods are used. Informal teaching is recognized more and more as a valuable method for education of a young personality. One of these informal methods of teaching is excursion. This method is not widely discussed in the scientific and methodological literature. So, the authors seek to analyze the definition and essence of the excursion as the educational method. Also, the authors see the problems for further research and also try to define the possibilities of improvement of the excursion as educational service and its management. For the definition of tourism and education concepts of cohesion, bringing the tour and its role in modern social-pedagogical environment were analyzed by different authors. Their analysis helped to determine that the tour is self-education and training, as other training and education form, an integral part of working with the audience and one of the forms of training, cultural entertainment and educational organization; episode measure, thematic cycle share, as well as one of the cognitive stages of scientific knowledge dissemination and education messaging form of cultural-educational work independently and as a form of organized tourism an integral part of tour guide and tourist communication between the tourist and form. Key auxiliary or non-formal education trends are: artistic education, ethnic culture, intellectual education, citizenship, democracy education, children's and youth organizations, rallies initiating altruistic activities, technical creativity, ecology, ecological education, healthy lifestyle education, sightseeing, culture and communication, positive individual preferences, the promotion of recreational humanization. [.].

ABSTRACTThe idea of rural women as risk‐averse food producers has been powerful and persistent and constitutes one of our most enduring generalizations. This contribution begins with some critical thoughts about the prevalent consensus on women and risk behaviour and goes on to discuss some counter examples of risk‐taking women farmers in Zimbabwe and Zambia. It argues that risk behaviours of these kinds are strongly related to the character of marriage and forms of conjugality, and considers more broadly how insurance and dependence are gendered. There is a danger of overdrawing, and exclusively emphasizing, household and marriage as sites of gender subordination and thereby losing sight of the value to women of domestic groups and the existence of class‐based solidarities and emotional investments, across gender, which are intertwined with gender subordinations. To recognize these (and other) positive aspects of institutions of kinship and marriage, without simultaneously endorsing subordination, requires a focus on change and women's agency within such institutions, and the happy thought that there is no such thing as the status quo. This study therefore considers myths made within different but overlapping contexts; first the idea of women as reliably risk averse (as well as disadvantaged in access to insurance) which holds sway in international development organizations and some gender analysis; and second, the myth of households as composed of entirely separate individuals with opposed gender interests, in which marriage is predominantly a contract legitimating the exploitation of women. Marriage works as a safety net for women in many contexts, as a form of insurance, but it may become an impediment to accumulation — a feature shared with other social security institutions.

In this essay, I analyze the changes that were brought to the handwritten draft of the first political address that Ben Ali, the current president of Tunisia (then the newly appointed Prime Minister), delivered on November 7, 1987 across the airwaves, to announce the deposition of President Bourguiba (1956–1987), and to proclaim himself the successor of the deposed 'old' and 'sick' president. Through the description and linguistic analysis of some excerpts, I demonstrate how the linguistic changes capture the processes whereby the new 'presidential' voice and discursive authority are being crafted in front of our eyes and how the speaker is being initiated, linguistically and pragmatically, into how and when to appropriate "the colloquy of other voices" (Farmer 1995: 318), their discourses and words, and how and when to subtly speak their own voice and words while respecting the pragmatics of appropriateness and appropriation, i.e. norms of what can be said, what cannot be stated or acknowledged, and what can be appropriated and how and when it can be appropriated in order to find a balance between competing voices (Bakhtin 1986), words, and linguistic habituses (Bourdieu 1991). By the same token, the analysis explores the intricate interweaving of text and discourse regulation, valuation of forms of speaking and styles of speaking, and political ideology. The analysis of the linguistic changes offers fertile ground to conceptualize ways to bridge the gap between the micro-analysis of linguistic patterns and the macro-processes of social and political factors, knowing that "much of the meaning and hence communicative value that linguistic forms have for their speakers lies in the 'indexical' connections between the linguistic signs and the contextual factors of their use" (Kroskrity 2000:7).

Rousseau's Lettres écrites de la montagne have traditionally been cited as evidence of the influence on his thinking of Genevan traditions of democratic republican political argument, on the grounds that the Lettres were written on behalf of those members of the citizens and bourgeois in the city who were critical of the growing powers of the magistracy, the co-called représentants. This essay proposes a different reading. It argues that the Lettres confirmed long-standing Genevan suspicions about Rousseau's politics and theology which were held both by the représentants and the magistrates. The reason was that Rousseau had composed the Lettres as a critique both of représentant plans for democratic reform and of magisterial usurpation of the sovereign rights of the citizens. The Lettres underscored Rousseau's commitment to the distinction between sovereignty and government outlined in the Contrat social. Rousseau believed that Geneva deserved to be a model for European states because the distinction between sovereignty and government characteristic of its constitution had such clear historical roots. He also recognized that growing uncertainty concerning the relative powers of the General Council, the smaller executive committees of leading magistrates, and the Consistory had created a political impasse. Accordingly the Lettres argued for a new political settlement, that would redefine the constitutional relationship between citizens and magistrates, as well as between church and the state. Rousseau emerges as a dedicated enemy of democratic political innovation in Geneva, and an advocate of renewed Reformation which would make religion the foundation of an anti-commercial morality. Rousseau's singular and heterodox perspective on Geneva and its history is outlined in the essay, which places Rousseau's Lettres in the broader local context of republican and magisterial reform politics.