Suchergebnisse

During the 1948–1949 conflict in Palestine, the ICRC conducted a major
operation for the wounded and the sick, the prisoners of war and civilian
victims of the conflict. It was also one of the first international
organizations to provide Palestinian refugees with concrete help: to begin
with, starting in July 1948, through the delegation it had opened several
months earlier in Palestine to carry out its traditional protection and
assistance work there; later, by setting up the ICRC Commissariat for Relief
to Palestine Refugees, which, alongside other organizations, acted as a
distribution agency within the framework of the United Nations Relief for
Palestine Refugees. In 1950, this activity was taken over by UNWRA.

First Published in 1984, Arab Petro-Politics argues that oil is important to Arab world both as an instrument for economic development and as an element of political influence. Oil has changed the political and economic structures and policies in the Middle East and dramatically influenced political alignments both within the region and between the region and the world's greatest powers. The book seeks to explain Arab oil policy both in economic terms and as political leverage to support Arab demands. Its main thesis is that the oil crisis is inextricably part of the Arab Israeli conflict despite the tendency amongst Western Middle East specialists to separate oil question from the Palestinian issue. This book is an important historical document for scholars and researchers of international oil economics, Middle East politics, and Middle East history.

Focusing on th e particularly volatile period between the Israel-Hezbollah war (July–August 2006) and the prolonged struggle over Nahr al-Bared refugee camp (March–October 2007), this article outlines and historicizes the complex and altering landscape of discursive constructions of the Palestinian refugee presence in Lebanon. Examining some of the more prominent discursive strands that emerge in relation to Palestinian refugee presence in Lebanon, the article argues that although the recent problematization of Hezbollah initially dwarfed the Palestinian "problem," Palestinian presence in Lebanon was quickly reproblematized in the context of the protracted struggle over Nahr al-Bared and the increasing instability in and around Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp. Yet while past discursive strands have reemerged, a discursive shift is also apparent, tending in the direction of the establishment of a more conciliatory relationship between Palestinian refugees and the Lebanese state and the latter's interest in a partial regularization of Palestinian refugee presence.

The controversy surrounding Arab normalization with Israel is constantly in the news. Examples pop up often, such as the Kuwaiti official visiting the Occupied Territories, Emirati forces coordinating with their Israeli counterparts, and the Doha Film Institute funding an Israeli director. In the past, prior to the creation of the Palestinian Authority, there was little debate as to what constituted normalization. But now, with the ambiguity of the control of Palestinian territories as well as the mixed messages from Palestinians themselves, the issue of normalization needs to be reassessed and redefined. As this following analysis demonstrates, normalization with Israel is a shortsighted policy on the part of governments, organizations, and individuals. Such a policy poses a risk to both the Palestinian cause and the Arab world's stability. It also gives the green light to American policymakers to pursue a suboptimal and unsustainable resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.