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In Indonesia, light skin color has been desirable throughout recorded history. This book explores Indonesia's changing beauty ideals and traces them to a number of influences: first to ninth-century India and some of the oldest surviving Indonesian literary works; then, a thousand years later, to the impact of Dutch colonialism and the wartime occupation of Japan; and finally, in the post-colonial period, to the popularity of American culture. The book shows how the transnational circulation of people, images, and ideas have shaped and shifted discourses and hierarchies of race, gender, skin color, and beauty in Indonesia. The author employs "affect" theories and feminist cultural studies as a lens through which to analyze a vast range of materials, including the Old Javanese epic poem Ramayana, archival materials, magazine advertisements, commercial products, and numerous interviews with Indonesian women. The book offers a rich repertoire of analytical and theoretical tools that allow readers to rethink issues of race and gender in a global context and understand how feelings and emotions - Western constructs as well as Indian, Javanese, and Indonesian notions such as rasa and malu - contribute to and are constitutive of transnational and gendered processes of racialization. The author argues that it is how emotions come to be attached to certain objects and how they circulate that shape the "emotionscape" of white beauty in Indonesia. This work is a nuanced theoretical exploration of the ways in which representations of beauty and the emotions they embody travel geographically and help shape attitudes and beliefs toward race and gender in a transnational world.

Colonialism, Antisemitism, and Germans of Jewish Descent in Imperial Germany examines the relationship between the colonial and antisemitic movements of modern Germany from 1871 to 1918, examining the complicated ways in which German antisemitism and colonialism fed off of and into each other in the decades before the First World War. Author Christian S. Davis studies the significant involvement with and investment in German colonialism by the major antisemitic political parties and extra-parliamentary organizations of the day, while also investigating the prominent participation in the colonial movement of Jews and Germans of Jewish descent and their tense relationship with procolonial antisemites. Working from the premise that the rise and propagation of racial antisemitism in late-nineteenth-century Germany cannot be separated from the context of colonial empire, Colonialism, Antisemitism, and Germans of Jewish Descent in Imperial Germany is the first work to study the dynamic and evolving interrelationship of the colonial and antisemitic movements of the Kaiserreich era. It shows how individuals and organizations who originated what would later become the ideological core of National Socialism--racial antisemitism--both influenced and perceived the development of a German colonial empire predicated on racial subjugation. It also examines how colonialism affected the contemporaneous German antisemitic movement, dividing it over whether participation in the nationalist project of empire building could furnish patriotic credentials to even Germans of Jewish descent. The book builds upon the recent upsurge of interest among historians of modern Germany in the domestic impact and character of German colonialism, and on the continuing fascination with the racialization of the German sense of self that became so important to German history in the twentieth century

What does race have to do with religion? According to Khyati Y. Joshi, quite a bit. In this compelling look at the ways that second generation Indian Americans develop and change their sense of ethnic identity, she reveals how race and religion interact, intersect, and affect each other in a myriad of complex ways. In a society where Christianity and whiteness are the norm, most Indian Americans are both racial and religious minorities. At the same time-perceived as neither black nor white-they are a racially ambiguous population. One result of these factors is the racialization of religion, on which Joshi offers important insights in the wake of 9/11 and the intensified backlash against Americans who look Middle Eastern and South Asian. Drawing on case studies and in-depth interviews with forty-one second-generation Indian Americans, Joshi analyzes their experiences involving religion, race, and ethnicity from elementary school to adulthood. She shows how their identity has developed differently from their parents' and their non-Indian peers', and how religion often exerted a dramatic effect. She maps the many crossroads that they encounter as they navigate between home and religious community, family obligations and school, and a hope to retain their ethnic identity while also feeling disconnected from their parents' generation. Through her candid insights into the internal conflicts that contemporary Indian Americans face as they negotiate this pastiche of experiences, and the religious and racial discrimination they encounter, Joshi provides a timely window into the ways that race, religion, and ethnicity coincide in day-to-day life.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Notes on contributors -- Chapter 1: Introduction: British identities, indigenous peoples and the empire -- Chapter 2: The British and indigenous peoples, 1760-1860: power, perception and identity -- Chapter 3: Encounters between British and "indigenous" peoples, c. 1500-c. 1800 -- Chapter 4: Native Americans and early modern concepts of race -- Chapter 5: Praying with the enemy: Daniel Gookin, King Philip's War and the dangers of intercultural mediatorship -- Chapter 6: The cutting edge of culture: British soldiers encounter Native Americans in the French and Indian war -- Chapter 7: Protecting trade through war: Choctaw elites and British occupation of the Floridas -- Chapter 8: Hunting and the politics of masculinity in Cherokee treaty-making, 1763-75 -- Chapter 9: Racialization and feminization of poverty in early America: Indian women as "the poor if the town" in eighteenth-century Rhode Island -- Chapter 10: "They are so frequently shifting their place of residence": land and the construction of social place of Indians in colonial Massachusetts -- Chapter 11: Legitimacies, Indian identities and the law: the politics of sex and the creation of history in colonial New England -- Chapter 12: Images of aboriginal childhood: contested governance in the Canadian West to 1850 -- Chapter 13: Authority under challenge: Pikampul land and Queen Victoria's law during the British invasion of Australia -- Chapter 14: The genocide policy in English-Karifuna relations in the seventeenth century -- Chapter 15: William Knibb and the constitution of the new Black subject -- Chapter 16: "When the saints came marching in": the Anti-Slavery Society and Indian indentured migration to the British Caribbean.

Medical imaging devices have enabled doctors to render images of the brain without cutting into the body. These images are colloquially called "brain scans." Through journalism and mass dissemination online, brain scans have become an example of Michael Calvin McGee's "ideograph," a language term that subtly takes on outsized political and symbolic meaning to enforce state power. In conversation with theories of new materialism, I situate the brain scan as an ideograph within Jenny Edbauer's model of rhetorical ecologies. The rhetorical force of the brain scan comes out of a collision between René Descarte's mind/body dualism, the medical model of disability, and the liberal discourse of madness. As predicted by Michel Foucault's theories of biopower and Falguni Sheth's theories of madness and racialization, the production of "normal" and "abnormal" categories legitimizes forcible intervention from the state. Psychiatry justifies limiting the civil rights of abnormal or "ill" by arguing the difference in the body—the brain—eliminates the mind. If the "mind" is not present, then it is not a crime to imprison or abuse the bodies of neurodivergent people. The brain scan becomes the ideograph and material document that reifies the state's discourse on mental illness. The rhetoric science through materialist eliminationism then defends the brain scan from criticism. To respect the lives of neurodivergent people, we should reevaluate psychiatry and neuroscience through Bruno Latour's critiques of scientific knowledge and Isabelle Stenger's call for "risky" research. A post-human approach to the question of consciousness will allow us to reconsider current models of mental illness, justice, and accountability.

Summary Neo-abolitionism, the social movement to abolish whiteness, contends that whiteness—not white people—possesses no humane or redeemable quality, in and of itself, but functions solely as the keystone of racialization and systemic racial oppression. Neo-abolitionism has not garnered legitimacy or secured broad commitment from any profession or discipline in the United States. This is unsurprising given the existential anathema, to a society founded upon white supremacy, of such a direct ideological affront and material challenge to the reigning social and institutional order. Practically speaking, though, neo-abolitionism has failed to translate theoretical philosophy to a viable sociopolitical agenda comprised of actionable routes toward social change that might subvert the hegemony of whiteness and erode the social construction of race. As whiteness increasingly inflicts harm and sows division in the contemporary historical moment, social work faces the imperative to seriously consider the merits of neo-abolitionism. Findings Where neo-abolitionism has stalled in attempts to move beyond theorization and academic debate in disciplines such as history and sociology, the organizing capacity, praxis techniques, and advocacy expertise of social work—as much a profession as a discipline—offer means of real progress toward abolishing the ideological and material supports of the social construction of whiteness at large, which proliferates racial injustice and undergirds myriad inequities beyond race. Applications Neo-abolitionism addresses the imperative faced by social work, in research, practice, and pedagogy, to move beyond mediation and toward elimination of the structural injustices and manifest inhumanities in lived experience propagated by white hegemony.

The book examines the experiences and struggles of East African Healthcare Professionals in their pursuit for labour market integration in the United Kingdom under the Tiered Points Based System – a labour migration programme. Probing the managed migration policy, migration governance and migrant rights, it provides useful context information on the East African sending states, the United Kingdom and the migration of essential healthcare sector workforce. It critiques the fallacy of relying on strict categories when examining labour migration where migrants performing various roles are classed as highly or low skilled. The interdisciplinary study probes the migration-development nexus and the role of law in shaping migrants' rights experiences. The study is guided by critical theories on law and race. The key findings include tracing the historical evolution of the Points Based System in a racialised context with civic stratification and differentiation practices aimed at non-European migrants. Relying on the socio-legal concept of legal consciousness, the book analyses East African migrant workers' lived experiences with different facets of law under Britain's managed migration policy and their responses thereto. It expounds on migrant workers' strategies of claiming rights and struggles against differentiation practices such as rights restrictions, racialization and manoeuvring precarious legal status. Depending on the available political and legal opportunities including mobilizing and strategic litigation in collaboration with civil society, migrants' rights-claiming involves invoking international human rights norms as part of migrants' circulating transnational legal consciousness. The book concludes with a discussion on migrants' rights claims and organization of lives within the constraints of exclusionary and a times hostile migration policy and legislation.

OBJECTIVES: Visible minorities are a group categorized in health research to identify and track inequalities, or to study the impact of racialization. We compared classifications obtained from a commonly used measure (Statistics Canada standard) with those obtained by two direct questions—whether one is a member of a visible minority group and whether one is perceived or treated as a person of colour. METHODS: A mixed-methods analysis was conducted using data from an English-language online survey (n = 311) and cognitive interviews with a maximum diversity subsample (n = 79). Participants were Canadian residents age 14 and older. RESULTS: Agreement between the single visible minority item and the standard was good (Cohen's Κ = 0.725; 95% CI = 0.629, 0.820). However, participants understood "visible minority" in different and often literal ways, sometimes including those living with visible disabilities or who were visibly transgender or poor. Agreement between the single person of colour item and the standard was very good (Κ = 0.830; 95% CI = 0.747, 0.913). "Person of colour" was more clearly understood to reflect ethnoracial background and may better capture the group likely to be targeted for racism than the Statistics Canada standard. When Indigenous participants who reported being persons of colour were reclassified to reflect the government definition of visible minority as non-Indigenous, this measure had strong agreement with the current federal standard measure (K = 0.851; 95% CI = 0.772, 0.930). CONCLUSION: A single question on perception or treatment as a person of colour appears to well identify racialized persons and may alternately be recoded to approximate government classification of visible minorities.

This judgment of the Women's Court of Canada takes issue with the reasons, but not the result, in the Supreme Court of Canada's treatment of R v Kapp. It concludes that the Supreme Court was wrong to accept the argument that there was discrimination on the ground of race. Discrimination under section 15 has three required parts: differentiation on an enumerated or analogous ground that is discrimination. Noting that the meaning of "race" is little discussed in jurisprudence of the Supreme Court, the judgment demonstrates that the arguments made in Kapp and the nature of the impugned regulations do not support a conclusion of differentiation on the ground of race (although they may support differentiation on the ground of Band membership). If Kapp is not a case in which the appellants had all of the elements of a section 15 claim, then it was not an appropriate case in which to provide guidance on the doctrine of section 15(2) and section 25. Sections 35 and 25 resist the racialization of Indigenous peoples in Canada, and together with case law, they offer a solid constitutional basis—indeed, requirement—for the recognition of Indigenous sovereignties. Kapp, though it ultimately provides a safe haven for ameliorative programs, ignores the constitutional position of the Musqueam, Tsleil-Waututh (Burrard), and Tsawwassen Nations affected by the regulations at issue. The Supreme Court should not have considered section 15(2), as there was no prima facie case under section 15(1) of discrimination on the basis of race, and the claim should have failed on that basis.

Hoy en día, resolver los problemas de las desigualdades y las discriminaciones de grupos marginalizados se ha vuelto una prioridad política y jurídica. La organización social de esta promoción de lo que se llama "diversidad", a través especialmente de la aplicación de políticas de discriminación positiva, implica una definición de la identidad y de la pertenencia que supone a menudo una visión estrecha y fija de estas. El caso de los Estados Unidos y en particular de la gestión de la población amerindia en su seno es asombroso pero rico de enseñanzas. Basan claramente sus políticas pluralistas y de igual oportunidad en diferencias "étnico-raciales" y han abierto recientemente una nueva perspectiva de determinación de la pertenencia étnica por medio de la genética, proponiendo así una naturalización y racialización de la identidad aún más profunda. ; Nowadays, resolving inequities and discrimination issues experienced by marginalized groups has become a political and juridical priority. The social organization of the promotion of what is called "diversity", especially through the application of affirmative action policies, implies a definition of identity and membership which often presumes a narrow and fixed vision. The case of the United States and, within it, the management of the American Indian population in particular is astonishing but rich in lessons to be learned. It clearly bases its pluralist and equal opportunity policies on "ethnic and racial" differences and recently proposed a new perspective to determine ethnic membership through genetics, suggesting an even more deep naturalization and racialization of identity may be coming.

My research examines how Asian Americans at University of California, San Diego engage in a discourse around self- determination, internationalization, and diversity from 1960 to the present. In a post-racial era where colorblindness and meritocracy shape diversity policy at an elite California public university, the growth of Asian American college student continue to baffle university administrators and educators in how to create diversity policy that tackles their needs and concerns. From locating the first political Asian American student organization, movement to create the Lumumba-Zapata College and an Asian American Studies minor, to the student actions against the racist Compton Cookout incidents mocking Black History Month, I address how a university administration responded to the racial discourse around diversity at an historically white institution. Research results indicate that the university administration failed to recognize Asian American student needs and concerns in developing diversity policy. The university's narrow understanding of Asian Americans is rooted in a black-white framework of tackling the achievement gap, which allowed them to understand Asian American student experiences only in relation to white student success and black student struggles. Asian American racialization as model minorities and yellow perils erases their experiences as an undeserved minority group. The dissertation provides counter-stories and research data that challenges UC San Diego to re-examine diversity policy to consider Asian American student experiences and needs. Using a mixed-methods approach of ethnography, interviews, surveys, archives, and a discourse analysis, this study offers insights to creating a more transformative diversity policy that positively shapes the experiences of all students on campus

Fourth World theory is a methodology for examining and developing greater understanding of the extent of the distress and abandonment commonly found in the cores of American cities resulting from de-industrialization, historic segregation and discrimination patterns, suburban sprawl, erosion of a viable tax base, racism, inability to embrace the concept of desegregation and civil rights legislation, fear, despair, crumbling infrastructure systems, disinvestment in urban school systems, and environmental justice issues. This article uses the analytical lens of Fourth World theory to examine how such structural and cultural forces contributed to the severely distressed conditions now found in the city of Gary, Indiana. Tracking its one-hundred-year history, from its founding as an industrial town through its post-industrial decline occurring during the city's first African-American mayor's five terms in office, the methodology clearly demonstrates how the social construction of race has systematically undermined every aspect of Gary's overall quality of life. To illustrate that this city is not an anomaly but rather reflects a typical pattern of disparity and uneven development arising from racist practices, Gary is compared to other cities of similar size and also to the much larger Detroit. The article triangulates academic literature, news media archives, and an oral history provided by the mayor to show how Gary evolved from being a model industrial city to a cauldron of racial disparity. The paper concludes by arguing that continued absence of reflection on the nation's historical racialization of place threatens not just impoverished communities of color, but also the sustainability of the entire nation.

PurposeThe authors use the debates instigated by Bernal'sBlack Athenato rethink the concepts of "race", "culture" and "diversity" in organization and aim to examine their intersection with academic authority.Design/methodology/approachDrawing on the works of Derrida and Hegel, the authors question the pursuit of origins and illustrate its role in essentializing race, culture and diversity. The paper examines these through binaries including white/black, nature/culture, purity/diversity and diversity/university.FindingsFirst, both theBlack Athenadebates and the organizational literature turn to origins to ground concepts of difference. This attests to the power of narratives of descent in defining current interests. Second, organization studies have relied on images of a clear past which had eliminated racialization and its implications. Whereas culture is considered progressive, as a user‐friendly term it has served as a "surrogate" or "homologue" for race. Diversity, in turn, has been deployed both to harbour and to control difference in organization.Research limitations/implicationsTheBlack Athenadebates alert people to the authority of scholars and practitioners in normalising identity categories in organization. They challenge people to develop theories and practices of organizational diversity that are open to ongoing difference rather than essence and origin.Originality/valueDerrida's contribution has rarely been used in organizational history, particularly its implication with Hegel's legacy to the historical and cultural canon. The paper invites readers to rethink the notions of race, culture and diversity by examining their historical development and considering the history of their inclusion into the canons of management and organization. Historicising can unsettle entrenched assumptions, but the cautionary word is that it can also legitimate current practices by identifying their relevance since "the beginning".

The 'Bard of Empire' Rudyard Kipling's Boer War (or South African War) writing has largely been dismissed as jingoism. Yet these texts may well have something to contribute both to existing discourses around colonialism, as well as to our understanding of South Africa's deeply intertwined racial and political history. While his Indian writing is also informed by an imperial ideology, Kipling's South African writing is more overtly dogged by imperial contradictions and a lack of thematic and narrative clarity. As such, his Indian writing provides a useful touch-point throughout this thesis. Of particular interest here is the seeming tension between Kipling's representations of the Boers as both 'degenerate' and as 'white'. Broadly, in the course of this thesis this tension is approached in two ways. This first of these considers the motivating forces behind Kipling's racialization of the Boers, specifically in terms of the anxieties provoked by the colonisation of another 'white' race. As such, this anxiety is read as stemming largely from a perceived cultural trangression on the part of the Boers - an inversion of the dynamic that typifies many of Kipling's Indian texts. Following this, some of the rhetorical devices by which Kipling (re)enforces notions of 'white loyalty' and, more broadly, a strict visually marked racial hierarchy, are considered. In so doing, some of Kipling's Boers are read as, somewhat surprisingly, representing a silenced subaltern voice who are made to speak exclusively in support of the empire. Through the commingling of these representations Kipling seems to participate in a discursive conflict over the conception of whiteness both within the empire and South Africa.

Although scholars emphasize the transformative aspects of liberal and Civil Rights ideology as a remedy to past injustices, more consideration must be given to the history of identities that shape self-authorization for black women. This thesis is an intertexual analysis of the New York v. Brown, Dandridge, Hill, Johnson (N.Y. App. Div. 2007) criminal court case. Newspapers, cable news shows, and court transcripts illustrate how the focus concentrated on the women's performance of a supposed female masculinity, rather than the possibility of homophobic violence. This characterization of the women must be placed within the context of the racialization of gender and sexuality in the antebellum American south and moments that proceed. Injury to black women's bodies, in the form of rape, murder, forced removal, were not viewed as crimes because of their legal and moral standing as non -humans and property-plus. Reconstruction up to the early 1990s conveniently used representations of the black community as scapegoats and distractions of U.S. economic failures. Interestingly, the representation of the women involved in New York v Brown vilified them in the media as inherently violent not only because of their blackness, but the performance of gender. Though there has been recent legislation on hate crimes to prevent violence and the realistic possibility on the institutionalization of gay/lesbian marriage, the continued violence against black queer youth remains unchallenged and invisible. While the prison and military industrial complexes have become containers for poor and racialized bodies, critiques against rights-based redress and the creation of spaces for alternative representations offer possibilities