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Abstract
By analysing 200 posts on a Japanese gay dating Bulletin Board System (deai-kei BBS), I investigate how users strategically deploy language to construct desirable identities and "sell themselves" online. Drawing upon both quantitative and qualitative analysis, I demonstrate that users of the BBS creatively manipulate stereotypical identity categories known as Types (taipu) to construct highly nuanced yet specific discourses of the Self and the desired Other. Through a discursive analysis of the strategies users employ to construct their own identities, and the identities of their desired partners, I argue that identity categories marked as masculine and hunky (sawayaka) are privileged as more desirable than feminine and cute (kawaii) identities. Through this analysis, I suggest that users of this particular forum appear to valorise heteronormative masculinity, which they link to being hunky. Furthermore, I argue that being cute is considered undesirable due to its perception as transgressing normative masculine gendered traits.

The postbellum rise of voluntary, federated associations set the stage for modern pressure politics in the American states, yet the connection between associations and lobbying in this era is grossly understudied. Relying on associations' own records and a new dataset of state lobbyists, we explore this relationship more deeply, documenting how federated associations gained membership, created political agendas, and lobbied state legislators for reform. To understand better the processes linking group strength with direct lobbying, we present descriptive case studies of the Grange (agriculture), the "Big Four" railroad brotherhoods (skilled labor), and the American Bankers' Association (finance). Our findings reveal how group strength, measured by association membership or local organizing, was not always related to the choice to lobby legislatures directly. These findings suggest pathways for future research comparing Progressive Era associations to one another, as well as showing how their actions parallel those of modern pressure groups. This analysis also paves the way for a more robust temporal understanding of lobbying in the American states.

Fast drei Jahre nach Beginn des Aufstands in Syrien haben sich islamistische Gruppen verschiedener Ausrichtung als dominierende Kraft unter den Rebellen durchgesetzt. Die Jihadisten stellen mit der "Nusra-Front" und dem "Islamischen Staat im Irak und Syrien" zwei besonders mächtige Gruppierungen. Ihr Erstarken hat nicht nur dazu geführt, dass die internationale Unterstützung für die Rebellen nachgelassen hat. Es hat auch gewaltsame Konflikte unter den Aufständischen nach sich gezogen. Dies hat die Position des Präsidenten Asad gestärkt, der seit 2011 argumentiert, dass es sich bei seinen Gegnern um Terroristen handele. Heute sind islamistische Terroristen tatsächlich vor Ort und machen die Suche nach einer Syrien-Strategie für den Westen noch schwieriger. Weder ein Fortbestand des Asad-Regimes noch eine Machtübernahme durch die Aufständischen sind im deutschen Interesse. Solange dieses Dilemma fortbesteht, sollte sich Deutschland neben humanitärer Hilfe vor allem auf die Terrorismusbekämpfung konzentrieren und zu diesem Zweck die Zusammenarbeit mit der Türkei verbessern. (Autorenreferat)

This article argues that niche party formation is only one of several substitutable strategies for niche activists seeking policy influence. Other organizational mechanisms are argued to be superior to political parties under certain institutional conditions. I introduce a formal model of how activists achieve policy influence by choosing to support the formation of whichever type of organization will optimally send a signal of electoral threat to mainstream politicians. Institutions determine the different access costs for the various organizational mechanisms that can be used to send this signal, and also determine the associated response costs to mainstream politicians of making concessions to different organizational mechanisms. Therefore under particular institutional circumstances that affect these two cost parameters, interest group entry may surpass party entry as the optimal strategy for activists. The predictions of the model are assessed via a nested logit model using cross-national survey data on how activists have allocated their individual support to different organizational mechanisms.