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Written during an ongoing period of global economic crisis, "The Welfare State as a Crisis Manager" examines the practice and potential of using social policy to cope with crises. Through an in-depth analysis of social policy reactions in the wake of international economic shocks in four different welfare states, over a 40-year period, the book reveals the ways in which expansion and retrenchment are shaped by domestic politics and existing welfare state institutions. Moreover, the study addresses the kind of policy change triggered by economic crisis. In contrast to conventional wisdom and previous scholarship, reactions tend to be characterised by incrementalism and 'crisis routines' rather than fundamental deviations from earlier policy patterns. For the first time, the study of domestic political dynamics following crisis is systematically embedded in the transnational policy debate, linking the Comparative Welfare State literature with scholarship on Global Social Policy

published_or_final_version ; Politics and Public Administration ; Master ; Master of Philosophy

Using a sample of seventy-seven countries, this paper focuses on marginal tax rates and the income thresholds at which they apply to examine how the tax changes of the 1980s and 1990s have influenced economic growth, the distribution of income, and the share of taxes paid by various income groups. Many countries substantially reduced their highest marginal rates during the 1985-1995 period. The findings indicate that countries that reduced their highest marginal rates grew more rapidly than those that maintained high marginal rates. At the same time, the income distribution in several of the tax cutting countries became more unequal while there was little change or even a reduction in income inequality in most countries that maintained high marginal rates. Finally, the evidence suggests that there was a shift in the payment of the personal income tax away from those with low and middle incomes and toward those with the highest incomes.

DEMOCRATIZATION AND CENTRAL GOVERNMENT SPENDING, 1870-1938: EMERGENCE OF THE LEVIATHAN? / Jari Eloranta,Svetlozar Andreev,Pavel Osinsky -- SWEDISH REGIONAL GDP 1855-2000: ESTIMATIONS AND GENERAL TRENDS IN THE SWEDISH REGIONAL SYSTEM / Kerstin Enflo,Martin Henning,Lennart Schön -- POLITICAL ECONOMIC LIMITS TO THE FED'S GOAL OF A COMMON NATIONAL BANK MONEY: THE PAR CLEARING CONTROVERSY REVISITED / John James,David Weiman -- THE ANTHROPOMETRIC HISTORY OF NATIVE AMERICANS, c.1820-1890 / John Komlos,Leonard Carolson -- THE DISPERSION OF CUSTOMS TARIFFS IN FRANCE BETWEEN 1850 AND 1913: DISCRIMINATION IN TRADE POLICY / Becuwe Stéphane,Blancheton Bertrand

In developed countries, regional policy, which arose in the early 1930s, has traditionally been a focus on a largely social, and to a lesser extent political issues. The state, which is responsible for its implementation, operated through the economy. The scope of regional policy has grown rapidly to the mid-1970s, despite its economization. Modern regional policy is a rather complex mixture of human and economic approaches that take into account the economic, social, environmental, demographic and other factors. The current heightened attention to regional policy arises due to the fact that it is the single channel for subsidizing domestic economy. ; В развитых странах региональная политика, возникшая в начале 1930-х годов, традиционно была ориентирована на решение в основном социальных и в меньшей степени политических проблем. При этом государство, ответственное за ее реализацию, действовало через экономику. Масштабы региональной политики быстро увеличивались до середины 1970-х годов, несмотря на ее экономизацию. Современная региональная политика представляет собой достаточно сложную смесь гуманитарного и экономического подходов, учитывающих экономические, социальные, экологические, демографические и иные факторы. Нынешнее обостренное внимание к региональной политике связано с тем, что она – единственный канал субсидирования собственной экономики.

Summary
This paper measures the effect of political integration, such as sharing a national state or economic union, on the degree of trade integration. Consistently with previous work, we find large border effects. However, such estimates may be biased and overestimate the effects of borders because of endogeneity: selection into sharing a political space is correlated with affinities for trade. We propose a method to address this and we produce estimates which are closer to the causal effect. We then conduct speculative exercises showing the costs and benefits of the changing levels of integration associated with: the independence of Scotland, Catalonia and the Basque Country from the United Kingdom and Spain [but remaining within the European Union (EU)]; the United Kingdom's exit from the EU; the break-up of the EU itself and closer integration within the EU so that its internal borders appear similar to the internal borders of individual countries (as opposed to its current state of being simply a closely integrated group of countries). We find that the border effect between countries is an order of magnitude larger than the border effect associated with the EU.

Implementation of innovative technologies in cooperative enterprises is complicated by the fact that the innovative strategy of an enterprise would not be supported by its partners. As a result, even a generally profitable innovative project may remain unrealized because the partners will not take risks of investing into specific assets. Similar problems occur in connection with launch of manufacturing of high-tech components for sophisticated products (particularly, as part of import substitution). The article suggests a simple game theory model, which illustrates the problems of coordination of partner enterprises' strategies in implementation of innovative products. Unlike well-known models, this model takes into account the specific nature of high-tech industries, including the cost structure of the product life cycle, which affects costs and losses. This model may be used for quantitative estimations in the course of substantiation of innovative technologies implementation strategies in certain high-tech industries. The suggested model helped to analyze the efficiency of various mechanisms of enterprise strategies coordination in implementation of interrelated innovative technologies. The article studies the market mechanisms of coordination, as well as the mechanisms of compensations to members of unimplemented innovative projects. We also analyzed the impact of institutional factors (such as trust in the systems integrator of the project, transparency of innovative development strategy) on the efficiency of such mechanisms. Special attention is paid to the specific features of the military-industrial complex, the problems of which are the most challenging in this respect. We made a conclusion about the inevitable need for the centrally controlled implementation of innovative technologies by Russian high-tech industries, which fulfill large-scale modernization and import substitution programs. This suggests construction of integral innovative technological chains in state corporations, making their links independent. The article comes up with recommendations focusing on enhancement of the market incentives for participation of independent small and medium-sized enterprises in innovative projects of large high-tech corporations. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n4s4p172