Suchergebnisse

Con el fin de determinar las causas por las cuales una persona ingresa a un grupo armado ilegal en Antioquia, se revisó la literatura existente tanto en el ámbito internacional como en el nacional. La misma se contrastó con la información cuantitativa existente de los victimarios y exvictimarios en los órdenes nacional y departamental, y la información cualitativa encontrada en entrevistas a miembros de bandas criminales y en grupos focales con expertos. Un sujeto puede tener motivaciones para delinquir basadas en la coerción, los deseos individuales, los incentivos selectivos, los entornos sociales y familiares, los agravios, la falta de control social, y en unas características o rasgos personales que lo pueden hacer más propenso a realizar actividades delictivas. Su continuidad en un grupo armado dependerá de las estrategias de enganche que pueden consistir en la incriminación, las prebendas económicas, el discurso ideológico, o en amenazas. Luego de un proceso de desmovilización, otros factores como la inseguridad personal, la falta de influencia política, la ausencia de prestigio social, la inseguridad económica y otras fallas específicas del proceso de reintegración a la sociedad pueden influir en la reincidencia en actividades criminales.En Antioquia, la coerción como estrategia de reclutamiento continúa siendo utilizada; las motivaciones fundamentadas en los entornos sociales se observaron como esenciales y comunes para bandas criminales y guerrilla; los deseos individuales enfocados en el interés por una vida militar estuvieron más relacionados con la guerrilla, y los sentimientos codiciosos se asociaron más con las bandas criminales; los incentivos selectivos a través de las promesas de salario fueron propios de las bandas criminales; y por último, los agravios, que son soporte ideológico propio de la guerrilla, son también usados por las bandas criminales como estrategia de reclutamiento y de búsqueda de legitimidad en los territorios en los que buscan consolidarse. ; With the purpose of determining the causes by which a person becomes a mem­ber of an illegal armed group in Antioquia, existing national and international litera­ture was reviewed. This literature was compared to the quantitative information related to perpetrators and former perpe­trators in the country and in the State, and the qualitative information found in inter­views made to members of criminal bands and focal groups with experts.An individual can have good reasons to commit crimes based on coercion, indi­vidual wishes, selective incentives, social and family environments, damages, lack of social control, and on several personal characteristics or traits which may make of him more prone to commit criminal activi­ties. His continuation in an armed group will depend on the recruitment strategies that can involve incrimination, economic benefits, ideological speech or threats. Af­ter a demobilization process, other factors such as personal insecurity, lack of politi­cal influence, absence of social prestige, economic insecurity, and other specific failures of the process of reintegration to society may result in the person's new per­petration of criminal activities.In Antioquia, coercion as a recruitment strategy is still a frequently used method; basic motivations in social environments were observed as essential and common for criminal bands and guerrilla groups; individual intention focused on the inter­est for a military life were more related to guerrilla and avaricious feelings were much more associated to criminal bands; selective incentives after promising a salary were factors related to criminal bands; finally, damages, that are an ideo­logical support of guerrilla groups are also used by criminal bands as a strategy for recruitment and a search for legitimacy within the territories where consolidation is sought.

With the purpose of determining the causes by which a person becomes a mem­ber of an illegal armed group in Antioquia, existing national and international litera­ture was reviewed. This literature was compared to the quantitative information related to perpetrators and former perpe­trators in the country and in the State, and the qualitative information found in inter­views made to members of criminal bands and focal groups with experts.An individual can have good reasons to commit crimes based on coercion, indi­vidual wishes, selective incentives, social and family environments, damages, lack of social control, and on several personal characteristics or traits which may make of him more prone to commit criminal activi­ties. His continuation in an armed group will depend on the recruitment strategies that can involve incrimination, economic benefits, ideological speech or threats. Af­ter a demobilization process, other factors such as personal insecurity, lack of politi­cal influence, absence of social prestige, economic insecurity, and other specific failures of the process of reintegration to society may result in the person's new per­petration of criminal activities.In Antioquia, coercion as a recruitment strategy is still a frequently used method; basic motivations in social environments were observed as essential and common for criminal bands and guerrilla groups; individual intention focused on the inter­est for a military life were more related to guerrilla and avaricious feelings were much more associated to criminal bands; selective incentives after promising a salary were factors related to criminal bands; finally, damages, that are an ideo­logical support of guerrilla groups are also used by criminal bands as a strategy for recruitment and a search for legitimacy within the territories where consolidation is sought. ; Con el fin de determinar las causas por las cuales una persona ingresa a un grupo armado ilegal en Antioquia, se revisó la literatura existente tanto en el ámbito internacional como en el nacional. La misma se contrastó con la información cuantitativa existente de los victimarios y exvictimarios en los órdenes nacional y departamental, y la información cualitativa encontrada en entrevistas a miembros de bandas criminales y en grupos focales con expertos. Un sujeto puede tener motivaciones para delinquir basadas en la coerción, los deseos individuales, los incentivos selectivos, los entornos sociales y familiares, los agravios, la falta de control social, y en unas características o rasgos personales que lo pueden hacer más propenso a realizar actividades delictivas. Su continuidad en un grupo armado dependerá de las estrategias de enganche que pueden consistir en la incriminación, las prebendas económicas, el discurso ideológico, o en amenazas. Luego de un proceso de desmovilización, otros factores como la inseguridad personal, la falta de influencia política, la ausencia de prestigio social, la inseguridad económica y otras fallas específicas del proceso de reintegración a la sociedad pueden influir en la reincidencia en actividades criminales. En Antioquia, la coerción como estrategia de reclutamiento continúa siendo utilizada; las motivaciones fundamentadas en los entornos sociales se observaron como esenciales y comunes para bandas criminales y guerrilla; los deseos individuales enfocados en el interés por una vida militar estuvieron más relacionados con la guerrilla, y los sentimientos codiciosos se asociaron más con las bandas criminales; los incentivos selectivos a través de las promesas de salario fueron propios de las bandas criminales; y por último, los agravios, que son soporte ideológico propio de la guerrilla, son también usados por las bandas criminales como estrategia de reclutamiento y de búsqueda de legitimidad en los territorios en los que buscan consolidarse

Group work is a popular and widely-used social work method. Focusing particularly on the central role of mutual aid in effective group work, this fully updated text presents the theoretical base, outlines core principles and introduces the skills for translating those theories and principles into practice.

Members of two unstructured small groups, serving as participants in one group and as observers in the other, rated all interventions by the trainer for contribution to their learning. Interventions were then grouped into conceptual dimensions and clusters according to a model developed by Kuriloff et al. (1984). Participants and observers had a similar learning profile, stressing the significance of the trainer as a teacher connecting conceptually ongoing group events to larger social and cultural phe nomena. Differences between the learning of participants and observers were found for clusters of interventions emphasizing trainer's authority, members'responsibility, and members' abstract (existential) versus concrete anxiety (about personal inade quacy and interpersonal intimacy). The unique contribution of the observational component in small group learning was particularly evident for highly "engaged" subjects, whose experience as participants was emotionally intense, inhibiting some potential learning attained by less engaged participants.

For many, it has long seemed apparent that in his two-part "gay fantasia," Angels in America, Kushner aspired to forge some vital but unspoken alliance between Judaism and gay struggle. For many, this remains one of the play's most interesting and yet not altogether coherent arguments. Yet when one considers the myriad of ways that Judaism always presumes a community of believers and more importantly, ethical adherents bound to one another and God by covenant, the politics of Angels cannot be isolated from its relation to Judaism's understanding of the sacred status of the stranger. By considering Judaism's intrinsic relation to "prophecy" as a rigorous mission of social progress, the coherence of Kushner's vision of men and angels emerges with greater clarity. In recasting the biblical outsider as AIDS victim, Kushner sought to reconfigure the encoded tribalism of liberation, to ensure that the prophetic message of the sacred texts was restated in the most inclusive terms possible.

The paper aims to provide an overview of the main streams of perception of Israeli and Palestinian national identities by Polish authorities and society, as well as analyze their sources. The study covers the period of time when both of the national identities took shape, that is since the beginning of the mass Jewish migration to Palestine at the beginning of the XXth century until the present time. As the Jews have for a long time been an important part of Polish history and society, Poles have a strong perception of Jewish, and consequently also Israeli, identity. Polish Jews, who played a crucial role in establishing the Israeli state and shaping Israeli national identity, were treated by many Poles as "our Jews". This perception was conditioned by internal factors, such as social relations, cultural proximity, historical memory or political views. In contrast, a perception of the Palestinian identity from the very beginning was conditioned externally, because it resulted from international political developments and a narrative imposed by foreign powers. Another special feature of the Polish perception of Israeli and Palestinian identity is the fact that public opinion very often differs significantly from the political position of state authorities.

AbstractThis paper considers a key aspect of the 'risk society' thesis: the belief that we should be able to manage risks and control the world around us. In particular it focuses on the interface between risk and risk events as socially constructed and the insights that 'critical situations' give us into 'the routine and mundane', the otherwise taken for granted assumptions underlying risk regulation. It does this with reference to the events precipitated by theApril 2010 volcanic eruption in theEyjafjallajökull area ofIceland. The resulting cloud of volcanic ash spread acrossEurope and much ofEurope's airspace was closed to civil aviation for six days, with far reaching consequences including huge financial losses for airlines. The social processes of defining and reacting to risk and crisis both reveal and generate dilemmas and challenges in regulation. This paper examines the role of different interest groups in defining risk expectations and thereby redefining the ash crisis as a regulatory crisis.

'Nation-Building in the Post-Soviet Borderlands: The Politics of National Identities' by Graham Smith, Vivien Law, Andrew Wilson, Annette Bohr and Edward Allworth is reviewed.

Transnational Identities of Dutch Nazi-Collaborators and their Struggle for Integration into the National Community This article aims to shed light on how Nazi collaborators' transnational encounters and exchanges generated attitudes and outlooks that are different and more diverse than those that one would be able to find when focusing solely on the issue of reintegration from the perspective of the nation-state framework. Military service in the German forces produced significant reconfigurations in the sense of identity and belonging of these non-German Nazis. Highlighting the Dutch example, we argue that such far-reaching experiences strongly affected the position to which these people aspired in the restored post-war nation-state. We will demonstrate their ambition to adapt their own outlook in some respects to the guiding principles of their liberal-democratic surroundings, and indicate the limitations as well as the opportunities that both state and society provided in the process.