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Televised political advertising appears in very different national political communication contexts. Sweden is an interesting case study. For many years, political ads on TV were not allowed at all. However, with the transition from analog to digital terrestrial television the public service obligations of the "hybrid" channel TV4 were dismantled. In the 2010 national election campaign, all Swedish parliamentary parties bought advertising time on TV4. This article intends to shed new light on political TV ads as a new campaign feature in a rapidly transforming political communication environment. The study relates to the concept of hybridization of election campaigns and intends to increase knowledge about hybridization processes by focusing on a critical case where one of the most adopted campaign practices worldwide is finally implemented within a specific national context and deviating political culture.

This article aims to assess the role of local agency and the local socio-cultural context in the internalization of externally promoted political norms. When external norms are diffused to the domestic level, they are reinterpreted and adapted to the local normative context. Conceptualized as a dynamic process, norm internalization implies that norms undergo a modification in terms of law, discourse, and practice. To add to the scholarship that offers power-based explanations when discussing how EU political norms are embraced locally, we discuss the internalization of norms at the national level, taking into consideration local reactions and the(re)interpretation of external norms. To do so, this article scrutinizes the local dynamic of the internalization process by showing how local agency and the cultural match between external and internal norms plays a role. Following the constructivist study of norm diffusion, this research uncovers how Moldovan social and political elites use societal pressure dynamic and elite learning dynamic in the case of implementation of the anti-corruption norm. In addition, this article puts emphasis on the importance of cultural match for a norm to be internalized by discussing post-Sovietness in Moldova.

The purpose of this study was to determine the effect of political awareness, political socialization and mass media on the political participation of the people of Jambi Province in the regional head election. Political participation is a form of community involvement in exercising their political rights in general elections both at the national and regional levels. The embodiment of political rights will affect every decision-making related to the interests of the community. This study uses a quantitative approach that uses statistical techniques with PLS model analysis techniques. The study was conducted on the people of Jambi City as many as 100 people were selected based on area sampling techniques. The research findings explain that the mass media has no direct effect on political participation. Political participation is directly influenced by the variables of Political Awareness and Political Socialization. Therefore, it is suggested that the use of mass media in the post-conflict local election in Jambi Province needs to be improved, especially information related to the political rights of the community. The tendency that occurs in the community is more interested in obtaining information related to entertainment because people are still accustomed to listening culture rather than reading culture.

A discussion of U.S. interests in making India into a "great power." It is argued that one incentive in supporting India's bid to be a great power is to create a friendly site for U.S. military bases in the region, which are needed to support the U.S.'s expanding use of military force as a way of maintaining its global hegemony & countering its economic decline. Another incentive is to obtain the support of a strengthened Indian military in U.S. military actions. Particular military initiative linking the U.S. and India are described. Under the pretense of preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, the U.S. has formed the Proliferation Security Initiative, & the Indian government has given signs that India might join. A recent U.S.-Indian agreement provides for collaboration on a missile-defense program. There are also signs that the U.S. may be seeking to make India the leader of an "Asian NATO," an alliance that would specifically be formed to counter China's influence. Possible weaknesses in the U.S. plan to make India into a great power are discussed. C. Ong-Dean

The importance of the political church in Black political participation has brought to the attention of scholars the differences among Black churches and their effect on Black mobilization. The Black church has on many occasions transformed itself into a politicized organization. These political churches become settings that encourage political knowledge and skills (Tate, 1993) and communicate political activity as a norm (Calhoun‐Brown, 1996). The earlier work on political churches has established the importance of these organizations for voter turnout and other forms of political participation. What has been left unexamined is the nature of the political churches themselves. This project disentangles these churches by looking at the heterogeneity within the structures of the political churches. In general, we seek to understand which of the internal activities of the political church tend to foster acts of political participation. We hypothesize that cost‐ underwriting activities and obligation‐creating activities within the church setting have the greatest impact on participation. By examining a robust and expansive operationalization of the political church construct, we find that these types of political church activities matter more than other activities. In specifying how churches may work to directly affect the participation of their members, we seek to expand the scope of general comprehension of political churches.

Através da Ciência periodística de Otto Groth (2011), da Teoria da Agenda e da Teoria do Gatekeeper, o trabalho traz reflexões conceituais do Jornalismo, dialogando com a proposta do Projeto Eleições Limpas e reforma política, apresentada pelo Movimento de Combate à Corrupção Eleitoral (MCCE). O estudo faz o diálogo através da perspectiva de formação da opinião pública do Eleições Limpas, que prevê coleta de assinaturas ao projeto de iniciativa popular, com algumas Teorias do Jornalismo, destacando as características da "Ciência dos Jornais", do agendamento temático (público, político e midiático) e dos processos de seleção através da metáfora das forças. A proposta é analisar a tematização jornalística do projeto com interface a algumas Teorias do Jornalismo.

ABSTRACTGoogle Books Ngrams data are freely available and contain billions of words used in tens of millions of digitized books, which begin in the 1500s for some languages. We explore the benefits and pitfalls of these data by showing examples from comparative and American politics. Specifically, we show how usage of the phrase "political corruption" in Italian, French, German, and Hebrew books strongly correlates with Transparency International's well-cited Corruption Index for France, Italy, German, and Israel. We also use Ngrams to show that the explosive growth in usage of the phrases "Asian American," "Latino," and "Hispanic" correlates with real-world changes in these populations after the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. These applications show that Ngram data correlate strongly with similar data from well-respected sources. This suggests that Ngrams has content validity and can be used as a proxy measure for previously difficult-to-research phenomena and questions.

Disappointment is often identified as a pathology of modern politics; citizens expect much of politicians, yet governments are ill-equipped to deliver outcomes commensurate with those expectations. The net result is said to be a widespread disappointment; a negative balance between what citizens expect of government and what they perceive governments to deliver. Yet little attention has hitherto been paid to which kinds of citizens are particularly disappointed with politics, and why. This article offers one of the first empirical analyses of political disappointment. Drawing on a survey conducted in Britain, it provides a quantitative measure of political disappointment and explores its prevalence among citizens. It then considers which social groups might be more prone to disappointment than others. In particular, it explores whether certain groups are more disappointed by virtue of holding very high expectations of government or very low perceptions of government performance. The article concludes by considering what strategies might be open to policy makers to alleviate political disappointment.

This article addresses the strategic use of Instagram in election campaigns for the office of the Austrian Federal President in 2016. Based on a comprehensive visual analysis of 504 Instagram posts from Green-backed but independent presidential candidate Alexander Van der Bellen, who resulted as winner after almost one year of campaigning, this contribution reconstructs key aspects of digital storytelling on Instagram. By identifying relevant image types central to the self-representation of the candidate, this article shows how a politician makes use of a digital platform in order to project and manage desired images. The salience of image types allows for the reconstruction of underlying visual strategies: (1) the highlighting of the candidate's biography (biographical strategy), (2) the presentation of his campaign team (team strategy), and (3) the presentation of the candidate as a legitimate office holder (incumbent strategy). The article thus sheds light on visual aspects of digital storytelling as relevant factor of political communication.

The five papers which follow were prepared during the summer of 1951 by the Social Science Research Council's Interuniversity Summer Seminar on Political Behavior. The seminar, which met at the University of Chicago, was attended by seven persons, who accept joint responsibility for the papers: Samuel J. Eldersveld, University of Michigan; Alexander Heard, University of North Carolina; Samuel P. Huntington, Harvard University; Morris Janowitz, University of Michigan; Avery Leiserson, Vanderbilt University; Dayton D. McKean, University of Colorado; and David B. Truman, Columbia University. Ralph M. Goldman met with the seminar as an associate, and later Elizabeth Wirth Marvick assisted in preparing some of the materials.The papers, one product of the seminar's work, were written to define and illustrate what the participants feel to be a significant contemporary development in political research. The first paper, "The Implications of Research in Political Behavior," outlines some of the requirements, characteristics, and implications of political behavior research. It is followed by plans for three research projects, "Party and Administrative Responsibility: Council-Manager Government," "Political Participation in a Metropolitan District: A Study of Group Influence on Political Activity," and "The Roles of Congressional Leaders: National Party vs. Constituency," drawn up in accordance with these specifications.