This study attempts to reveal the ideology and power expressed in the news text entitled "The burning scar: Inside the destruction of Asia's last rainforestâ€. The data of this study were obtained from one of the most famous online Newspapers namely BBC. Whilst, in doing the critical analysis, systemic functional linguistics specifically the use of appraisal proposed by Martin and White (2005) was applied to find out the ideology as well as the power of the text. The findings show that there are three appraisal items found such as attitude, engagement, and graduation simultaneously. Affect is the most dominant appraisal found in the text. It represents the feelings of the people who live in Papua where their land has been destroyed by the world's largest exporter of palm oil from South Korea. Besides, they also criticize the Indonesian government which sold their land to the company without any notice to the tribe who live there. Then, engagement represents the tribe's voices where they have to move from their land. The last is graduation which represents the tribe's experience when they were kicked out from their land. Meanwhile, the ideology of the text is represented by the use of attitude consisting of affect, appreciation, and judgment. Furthermore, the power deals with the tribe's tenor such as contact, status dan affect.Â
After traveling by bus for three months to 48 states logging 18,000 miles, contacting more than 3,000 politicians, participating in a drag race with a pig bus and a "slow walk" with a presidential candidate, the leaders of PoliticIt decided to take a break this week. ; https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/huntsman_news/1041/thumbnail.jpg
E-government is an issue that is widely discussed by several studies because it has an impact on improving government performance. Weak political will of the heads of state and regional heads reduces attention to e-government, combined with various obstacles to its implementation. This study can answer the importance of the role of political will in maximizing the implementation of electronic government in local government. A total of 263 data were collected to answer the hypothesis quantitatively. The data were obtained by distributing questionnaires directly to the respondents, namely the Heads of Regional Apparatus Organizations (OPD). The sample selection was carried out with regional heads. Data were tested through multivariate analysis using Partial Least Square-Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM). The test results found that political will has a direct positive effect on the implementation of e-government as evidenced by the path coefficient of 0.457 and significant wit h an alpha of 5%. Political will also acts as a mediating variable or can act as an intermediary in the relationship between IT infrastructure and human resources in improving e-government. All variables have a T-statistic value > 1.96 and < 5%, which means that IT infrastructure and human resources have a direct and significant effect on the implementation of e-government.
Parallel to Arab Nahḍah, Ottoman modernization program is associated with the Tanzimat, a period of drastic social, political and institutional transformation. The word tanẓīmāt itself, however, merely means "regulations" or "reorganization" and very little has been done in investigating the conceptual or ideational foundations of Tanzimat reforms. The question at stake here is how these series of reforms were justified and legitimized within the Ottoman political culture. Accordingly, this paper focuses on reform debates among Ottoman bureaucrats and statesmen in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and proposes the concept and doctrine of taǧdīd (renewal) as a key to understanding Ottoman reform and religious transformation. Ottoman reformers at the turn of 19th century resorted to the doctrine of centennial renewal in order to both criticize the moral shortcomings of Ottoman political system and legitimize innovation. Within this logic, Ottoman reformist sultans and politicians have frequently been referred to as muǧaddids, that is restorers. This paper will present an account of the concept of taǧdīd based on Ottoman political and historical writing from the period. I argue that Ottoman reform was inseparable from the logic of religious revival and that Ottoman debates should be considered as part of and discussed in relation to the 18th-century Muslim revivalism which has attracted growing attention in the last decade.
Ethiopia introduced multi-party system following the 1991 regime change. Consequently, dozens of political parties have been established. However, little has been done with regard to the degree of programmaticity of Ethiopian Political Parties (EPPs); the nature and the type of the party system they are operating. Hence, this research was intended to analyse the level of prorammaticity and typology of EPPs, and the nature and type of the party system that are operating. The study was designed to answer whether EPPs and the party system they are operating are programmatic. Both descriptive and analytical methods were employed and data were analyzed through qualitative approach. The study found that although with a varying degree, major EPPs have programmatic platform. Nevertheless, since all EPPs have been using ethnicity as the main means of political support, and non-of them emerged out of pre-existing civil society organizations, Ethiopia's party system is not yet programmatic. In terms of the number of parties operating, Ethiopia's party system is best characterized by dominant party system but also with certain features of one-party system. The study argues that Ethiopia should give special attention to depoliticizing ethnicity sooner than later, including by reopening its constitution for discussion and revisiting its electoral and political parties' laws.
While urban political economy tends to generalize the functional economic pressures upon socio-political transformations of cities, European research has stressed the importance of historical context and political institutions. Both perspectives' references to urban culture imply either an economization or an essentialization of urbanity, and thus an underconceptualization of political agency. Whether defined economically, politically, or socio-culturally, most research of cities implies - more or less implicitly - a common ideal of urbanity which lies in the integration potential of plural societies. Urbanity, the spatialized ideal of modernity, and cities, its contextual realizations in place, are the two complementary sides of a reflective process which is locally specific as well as globally entangled. At least to enable a counterfactual to either the economicfunctionalist globalization hypothesis or the historic-culturalist European assumption, empirical research should conceptualize this urban process as plural, contextual, and thus open-ended collective action. To approach the structure and agency aspects of urban culture in mediating state transformation, the debates about new institutionalism, social movements, and modernity serve to conceptualize a comparative framework of urban politics beyond the European context. Instead of adding yet another competing model or even a 'meta-model', the 'City without Qualities' aims to reduce the complexity of the contemporary urban debate by dismantling some of the fashionable urban 'buzzwords' to their basic analytical concepts.
Cumhuriyetin kurulmasıyla birlikte, Türkiye'de modern bir toplum projesi uygulamaya konmuştur. Sosyal yaşamın her alanında köklü değişmeleri içeren söz konusu projenin konularından biri de kadın ve ailedir. Modern bir yaşamı ve onu oluşturacak modern insan tipini yaratmayı içeren projenin gerçekleştirilmesi sürecinde siyasal iktidarın tavrı, politikası, önemli olmaktadır. Bu süreçte, siyasal iktidarın söyleminde, mevcut sosyal koşullara bağlı olarak, önemli değişmeler yaşanmıştır. Burada siyasal bir projeyi, ilk ortaya koyan bir metin olarak hükümet programları ele alınacaktır. Bu programlardan hareketle, siyasal iktidarın kadına yönelik söyleminde yaşanan değişme eğilimi üzerinde durulacaktır. ; With the foundation of the Republic, the project of a modern society has been carried out in Turkey. One of the matters of this project, which includes radical changes in all parts of social life, is woman and family. In the process of the realization of the project, which consists of creating a modern life and the type of modern people that will constitute it, the attitudes of political power, and its policy have been important. In this process, significant changes have been experienced in the discourse of political power depending on the existent social conditions. In this paper, government programs will be studied as texts which bring up a political project for the first time. With reference to these programs, the tendency to change in discourse of political power directed to woman will be focused on.
HAVE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN NORTH AFRICA IN THE 1990S bolstered prospects for democratization and greater pluralism? This study argues that, with the possible exception of Algeria's 1991 elections, they have not been harbingers of democracy in Egypt, Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. The elections can be viewed as public displays by the state or limited political barometers, rather than processes which create obligations for the government. They have been means through which regimes have sought to dampen reactions to political immobilism, structural adjustment and the death of a social contract. Some elections have been manipulative, exclusionary exercises of elites trying to roll back the liberalizations of the 1980s, while others have been pseudo-competitive instruments of regime maintenance. Most of the elections can be seen as mechanisms for a top-down 'artificializing' of pluralism in order to preserve the core of regime control. In Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria, there seems to be no contradiction between fostering a selectively pluralistic atmosphere and simultaneously undermining the transition to democracy. In Morocco, pluralism andalternanceseem to remain quite compatible with continued political domination by the Makhzen. Mona Makram-Ebeid's characterization of Egypt's 1995 elections could equally be applied to others in the region: 'What has occurred is a pluralization of the political sphere, yet it has been liberal neither in intent nor outcome.'
Several citizen science (CS) initiatives have been adopted in environmental science to monitor air and noise pollution, and water quality related to civic concerns. Nevertheless, CS projects in environmental epidemiology remain scarce. This is because little attention has been paid to evaluate associations of environmental exposures with health effects directly. This narrative review aims to promote the understanding and application of CS in environmental epidemiology. There are many commonalities between CS and other participatory approaches in environmental epidemiology. Yet, CS can foster the democratization of scientific governance and enhance the sustainability of research projects more effectively than other existing participatory approaches. This is especially the case in projects where citizens are invited to participate, engage and become involved throughout all the phases of a research project (co-created projects). This paper identifies various challenges and opportunities specific to the implementation of co-created CS projects in environmental epidemiology. The development of more locally relevant research designs, using local knowledge, obtaining medical ethical clearance, and co-analysing the association between exposure and health, are examples of opportunities and challenges that require epidemiologists to go beyond the traditional research framework and include more outreach activities. Continued efforts, particularly the sharing of information about projects' collaborative processes, are needed to make CS a more concrete and cohesive approach in environmental epidemiology.
The ethical and social implications of data mining, algorithmic curation and automation in the context of social media have been of heightened concern for a range of researchers with interests in digital media in recent years, with particular concerns about privacy arising in the context of mobile and locative media. Despite their wide adoption and economic importance, mobile dating apps have received little scholarly attention from this perspective – but they are intense sites of data generation, algorithmic processing, and cross-platform data-sharing; bound up with competing cultures of pro- duction, exploitation and use. In this paper, we describe the ways various forms of data are incorporated into, and emerge from, hook-up apps' business logics, socio-technical arrangements, and cultures of use to produce multiple and intersecting data cultures. We propose a multi-layered research agenda for critical and empirical inquiry into this field, and suggest appropriate conceptual and methodological frameworks for exploring the social and political challenges of data cultures.
The ethical and social implications of data mining, algorithmic curation and automation in the context of social media have been of heightened concern for a range of researchers with interests in digital media in recent years, with particular concerns about privacy arising in the context of mobile and locative media. Despite their wide adoption and economic importance, mobile dating apps have received little scholarly attention from this perspective – but they are intense sites of data generation, algorithmic processing, and cross-platform data-sharing; bound up with competing cultures of production, exploitation and use. In this paper, we describe the ways various forms of data are incorporated into, and emerge from, hook-up apps' business logics, socio-technical arrangements, and cultures of use to produce multiple and intersecting data cultures. We propose a multi-layered research agenda for critical and empirical inquiry into this field, and suggest appropriate conceptual and methodological frameworks for exploring the social and political challenges of data cultures.
With big-data driven materials research, the new paradigm of materials science, sharing and wide accessibility of data are becoming crucial aspects. Obviously, a prerequisite for data exchange and big-data analytics is standardization, which means using consistent and unique conventions for, e.g., units, zero base lines, and file formats. There are two main strategies to achieve this goal. One accepts the heterogeneous nature of the community, which comprises scientists from physics, chemistry, bio-physics, and materials science, by complying with the diverse ecosystem of computer codes and thus develops "converters" for the input and output files of all important codes. These converters then translate the data of each code into a standardized, code-independent format. The other strategy is to provide standardized open libraries that code developers can adopt for shaping their inputs, outputs, and restart files, directly into the same code-independent format. In this perspective paper, we present both strategies and argue that they can and should be regarded as complementary, if not even synergetic. The represented appropriate format and conventions were agreed upon by two teams, the Electronic Structure Library (ESL) of the European Center for Atomic and Molecular Computations (CECAM) and the NOvel MAterials Discovery (NOMAD) Laboratory, a European Centre of Excellence (CoE). A key element of this work is the definition of hierarchical metadata describing state-of-the-art electronic-structure calculations. ; We thank James Kermode and Saulius Gražulis for their contribution to the discussion on the metadata, and Pasquale Pavone for precious suggestions on the metadata structure and names. We thank Patrick Rinke and Ghanshyam Pilania for carefully reading the manuscript. We thank Claudia Draxl and Kristian Thygesen for their contribution to the discussions on the necessary information to be stored for excitedstate calculations and on the error bars and uncertainties. We gratefully acknowledge Damien Caliste, Fabiano Corsetti, Hubert Ebert, Jan Minar, Yann Pouillon, Thomas Ruh, David Strubbe, and Marc Torrent for their contributions to the ESCDF specifications. We acknowledge Benjamin Regler for the development of the graphical interface for the query on the NOMAD Archive. We acknowledge inspiring discussions with Georg Kresse, Peter Blaha, Xavier Gonze, Bernard Delley, and Jörg Hutter on the energy-zero definition and scalar-field representation. We thank Ole Andersen, Evert Jan Baerends, Peter Blaha, Lambert Colin, Bernard Delley, Thierry Deutsch, Claudia Draxl, John Kay Dewhurst, Roberto Dovesi, Paolo Giannozzi, Mike Gillan, Xavier Gonze, Michael Frisch, Martin Head-Gordon, Juerg Hutter, Klaus Koepernik, Georg Kresse, Roland Lindh, Hans Lischka, Andrea Marini, Todd Martinez, Jens Jørgen Mortensen, Frank Neese, Richard Needs, Taisuke Ozaki, Mike Payne, Angel Rubio, Trond Saue, Chris Skylaris, Jose Soler, John Stanton, James Stewart, Marat Valiev for checking the information provided in Table 1 and for useful suggestions. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under grant agreement No. 676580, The NOMAD Laboratory, a European Center of Excellence, and the BBDC (contract 01IS14013E). ; Peer Reviewed ; Postprint (published version)
