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Framed by the debate on the decline of party politics and the rise of grass-roots participation, this article explores the civic and political involvement of a group of Latin American immigrants in the city of Toronto. The data were drawn from 100 interviews and two focus groups, one composed of participants who, in Canada, participated at the grass-roots level, and another focused on interviewees who were engaged in political parties. Overall results indicate that, compared to Latin America, in Canada there was a decline in the levels of engagement in formal politics, particularly in political parties, and a slight increase in the levels of participation in grass-roots politics. Associated with grass-roots politics is the perception that it is possible to transform the social reality. Disappointment with the traditional forms of political representation accompanied by a sense of distrust of political parties dominated both focus groups. Limited command of English, low socio-economic status and lack of knowledge of the 'dynamics of Canadian politics' were identified as factors that reduced the opportunities for this community to become more politically active. Interestingly, these obstacles seem to be more prevalent in electoral than in grass-roots politics. Adapted from the source document.

Includes bibliographical references. ; The study focuses on an examination of the political speeches of Kwame Nkrumah. The primary data of the study comprises audio-recorded and five volumes of selected published speeches of Nkrumah. Beyond these sources, the study explores the historical, political, and diplomatic circumstances which gave birth to Nkrumah's rhetorical inventions. In terms of the theoretical framework, the study applied three main correlative approaches: Aristotle (2007) on Levels of Proofs and Rhetorical Regimes, Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1969) on Argument and Lloyd Bitzer on Situation (1968).Six major speeches were chosen for the study. They were selected chronologically ranging from 1950 to 1964. They were analyzed, applying the vertical and horizontal rhetorical structures. The study sought to find out the rhetorical strategies and tools, which Nkrumah employed in his political speeches. The study revealed that as part of his logical strategy, Nkrumah regularly employed logical association. With this tool, Nkrumah associates two entities either positively or negatively for the purpose of achieving good or bad publicity for a giving entity. The finding demonstrates that Nkrumah employed negative association in his political speeches to tag his Ghanaian and Western political adversaries to engender negative image for them whilst he used positive association to enhance his ethos. The study also showed that Nkrumah employed the argument of inclusion of the part in the whole. This argument becomes central to the subject of Africa's unity as Nkrumah argues for continental unity in Addis Ababa. In this argument, the importance of Africa is brought to the fore whilst minimizing the focus on individual states. Thus, through his argumentation, Nkrumah deepens the continental discussion which seeks to project the debate on Africa's freedom. The study also demonstrated that Nkrumah repeatedly applies symbolism as a strategic means of establishing his ethos as well as creating solidarity with his audience. The study further established that Nkrumah employs the collective memory of his audience to create pathos in his address. Lastly, the study showed that Nkrumah repeatedly used his messages to address composite audiences both immediate and remote.

Political discussion is a key mechanism for the development of reasoned opinions and political knowledge, but online political discussion has been characterized as uncivil, intolerant, and/or ideologically homogeneous, which is detrimental to this development. In this paper, we examine the role of personality in various forms of political talk—online and offline—as well as like-minded discussion. Based on a 2017 survey conducted in the United Kingdom, United States, and France, we find that people who are open-minded and extraverted are more likely to engage in political talk but less likely to engage in like-minded discussion. Individuals who are older, less educated, introverted, and conscientious are more likely to find themselves in like-minded discussions, both online and on social media. Like-minded discussion is rare; personality, rather than ideology, predicts whether people engage in this form of political talk in online and offline modes. Our findings challenge the role of social media in the creation of like-minded discussion. Instead, we should look to the role of individual attributes, such as personality traits, which create a disposition that motivates the use of social media (and offline networks) to cultivate like-minded discussion.

Evidence from sample surveys and local field studies have long supported opposed arguments about the impact of market reform on the value of political office in the rural economy. This article reviews the evidence, describes a gradual convergence in findings, and identifies unresolved questions about qualitatively different local paths of development. Examining previously unexploited data from a nationally representative 1996 survey, a resolution of the remaining issues becomes evident. The value of political office initially is very modest, as the first private entrepreneurs reaped large incomes. However, subsequent economic development led to rapid increases in the earning power of cadres and their kin, and by the end of the Deng era the returns to political office were roughly equal to those of private entrepreneurs. The political advantages were not limited to regions that industrialized rapidly under collective ownership: they were large even in regions where the private economy was most extensive. However, despite evidence of large and enduring political advantages, those who reaped wealth from political position were only a small fraction of the newly rich, the vast majority of whom achieved wealth without current or past office-holding or kinship ties to cadres.

Scholars seeking to understand political competition in Europe have proposed various models of political dimensionality. While most scholars draw on data from the supply side of politics (political parties), demand side (voter) studies remain few. In this paper we compare the two approaches. The main difference is that while supply side approaches suggest a single model of dimensionality that can be applied to all EU countries, demand side approaches suggest a greater degree of divergence. In particular, the bundle of issues commonly identified by supply side studies as TAN/GAL not only fail to form a coherent dimension when viewed from a demand side perspective, but incorporate issues of EU integration in some (northern European) cases, but not in others.

George Herbert's retreat from a political path and a turn towards a religious route has created a perception that the poet and priest had separated himself from politics. His magnum opus, The Temple, corroborates such a point of view with it verses coated with poetic praises and surrounded by biblical allusions, morals and confessions. Within Foucauldian perspective, this study peruses a different path of repainting the picture of the pious priest into a political poet, highlighting how his religious intentions were not separated from political influence. This paper highlights the inseparable bond between politics and religion in the Jacobean Era by analysing how the regimes of truth play its part in shaping the poet's discourse.

A rich array of institutional diversity makes the United States an excellent place to study the relationship between political institutions and public policy outcomes. This essay has three main aims. First, it reviews existing empirical evidence on the relationship between institutional rules, political representation and policy outcomes. It aims to place the literature into a broader context of theoretical and empirical work in the field of political economy. Second, it develops a parallel empirical analysis that updates studies in the literature and re-examines some of the claims made, in a setting unified both in terms of policy outcomes and the period under study. Third, the paper develops some new directions for research, presenting a small number of novel exploratory results.

Following periods like the 1880s and 1930s, when immigration hab been an important political issue, the 'May 68 years' saw the 'immigration question' emerge again in new ways in public debate. This chapter will seek to explore the notion of agency, or rather the capacity of immigrants to operate as political players in the public sphere.

Following periods like the 1880s and 1930s, when immigration hab been an important political issue, the 'May 68 years' saw the 'immigration question' emerge again in new ways in public debate. This chapter will seek to explore the notion of agency, or rather the capacity of immigrants to operate as political players in the public sphere.

Following periods like the 1880s and 1930s, when immigration hab been an important political issue, the 'May 68 years' saw the 'immigration question' emerge again in new ways in public debate. This chapter will seek to explore the notion of agency, or rather the capacity of immigrants to operate as political players in the public sphere.