Suchergebnisse

Both the Soviet Union and the Western powers have had to rethink their policies concerning Eastern Europe since the crisis of 1956. Both have to take full account of the cardinal importance of Germany. Many in the West now find hope in the possibilities of negotiation and "disengagement" to avert dangers of war and to promote freedom for Eastern Europe. For the West it promises to be a long, hard road before an acceptable solution of the German problem and that of Eastern Europe becomes possible. Its main task is to look to its own strength and unity.

EL Sr. Embajador de Alemania hizo una reseña de la Unificación Alemana, marcando la oportunidad histórica de la misma, haciendo una crítica a los sectores flexibles para con los regímenes comunistas de Alemania del Este, Europa Meridional y del Este, los que, aún siendo minoritarios tenían influencia política, y señalando que el objetivo prioritario de la Política Exterior Alemana durante 40 años -La Unidad Nacional-, se cumplió en unos meses durante 1990. También destacó los compromisos asumidos por Alemania al momento de la Unificación: compromisos políticos, sociales y económicos que hoy pesan fuertemente sobre lo que fuera Alemania Occidental: Un endeudamiento interno agravado en un 15% para 1995 respecto de 1990; una productividad de Alemania Oriental de un 30% respecto de la de Alemania Occidental y una gran desocupación y reconstrucción de la economía que pesan sobre el Sector Occidental de Alemania. Por otra parte, Alemania puja por un futuro Orden Mundial delineado por lo que se denominaría la Pax Democrática Internacional, donde el afianzamiento de la Paz sólo le cabría a las Democracias- las reales democracias ya que ellas en razón de sus estructuras internas, están prácticamente imposibilitadas de agredir. En lo que a la seguridad Internacional para Alemania se refiere, el Sr. Embajador destacó que la OTAN, la Conferencia de Seguridad y Cooperación Europea y la Comunidad Europea son estructuras irrenunciables, deteniéndose en cada estructura a fin de señalar los objetivos de Alemania en cada una. Finalmente, una Alemania en Naciones unidas, (en un futuro miembro del Consejo de Seguridad), parte integrante de una Europa fuertemente regionalizada, con una ya importante tradición Democrática y Económica, aunada a la continuidad de una Política Exterior equilibrada, moderada y cooperativa, alejan el fantasma de una Alemania "demasiado fuerte", acorde con lo expuesto por el máximo representante de Alemania en nuestro país. ; The German Ambassador reviewed the unification of Germany. He outlined its historical oportunity, and criticized some groups that had been too ductile towards East Germany, Meridional and Eastern Europe Communists Regimes. Those groups -though being a minority exerted an important political influence. He also remarked that national unification, which had been an essential objective of German foreign policy for 40 years, was achieved in a few months during 1990. The Embassador also pointed out the social, political and economic obligations wich were assumed by West Germany when the unification took place. West Germany will have in 1995 an internal debt 15% higher than in 1990. The productivity of East Germany compared to West Germany is only 30%. In addition to great unemployement there is the problem of the complete restructuring of the East German economic structure. On the other hand, Germany is moving towars a future World Order based on an "International Democratic Pax", peace would be garanteed by democracies -real democracies- due to their internal structures are practically uncapable of acts of aggression. Regarding the German international security, he underlined the importance of OTAN, OCDE and EC for his country and pointed out the interests of Germany in each organism. Finally, he stated that unified Germany in the United Nations (a future member of the Security Council); part of a regionalized Europe, with an impor-tant Democratic and Economical tradition and whith a moderate, balanced and cooperative foreing policy, moves away, the ghost of a "Germany too strong". ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)

"Germany, 1871-1945 presents a pragmatic interpretation of German history, from the unification to the end of the Nazi regime. This more open approach acknowledges the strong trend in German society towards modernization and democratization, particularly before 1914, while also highlighting the factors which propelled Germany toward World War I. The rise of the Nazis also demands a close analysis of the economic and political instability of the 1920s and early 1930s. Finally, a detailed assessment of the Third Reich explains how the regime's early successes fostered a loyalty and acceptance that remained hard to shake until disaster was obvious and unavoidable."--Jacket

During the last four decades the German Revolution 1918/19 has only attracted little scholarly attention. This volume offers new cultural historical perspectives, puts this revolution into a wider time frame (1916-23), and coheres around three interlinked propositions: (i) acknowledging that during its initial stage the German Revolution reflected an intense social and political challenge to state authority and its monopoly of physical violence, (ii) it was also replete with »Angst«-ridden wrangling over its longer-term meaning and direction, and (iii) was characterized by competing social movements that tried to cultivate citizenship in a new, unknown state

The Institute for Human Sciences (Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen) was founded in Vienna in 1982 by a group of scholars from Eastern Europe and the West. The purpose of the Institute was to overcome the cultural and intellectual division of Europe by promoting conferences, seminars and research programmes. The latest report of the Institute stresses that the disappearance of the Iron Curtain has made the work of the Institute all the more important. As the authors of the report explain, '…the civil society which is reemerging in Eastern Europe will hardly be viable without living connections to the West and, equally, the Western world will be much poorer without the historical experiences of the East. The Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen views itself as a place where the experiences and perspectives of Eastern Europeans can be (re-) introduced into the Western discussion as a means of rousing, changing and broadening Western culture. Europe should be seen as a challenge: as a manifold, but also contradictory, intellectual and cultural unity.'