Suchergebnisse

"Wide-ranging agreement exists today that a good business climate is central to economic growth and poverty alleviation. But questions remain open about the role of the state in creating a good business climate. This study is intended to answer some of these questions. The Arab Human Development Report 2004 stresses that sustainable economic growth cannot be achieved in the MENA countries without improved governance. One of the core dimensions of good governance is transparency and the control of corruption. The latter in particular is important for a good business climate (World Bank 2005f). Corruption can take different forms, one of them being favouritism which is very widespread in the MENA region. It is usually referred to there as 'wasta', which is Arabic for 'relation' or 'connection', and describes the use of personal relations for preferential treatment. The present study focuses on the economic effects of wasta. It has a twofold aim: first to find out how the use of wasta in state-business relations affects the business climate and investment and, thereby, economic development at large, and, second, to identify starting points for curtailing the use of wasta. All reference is hereby to Jordan, which has been selected for this case study for pragmatic reasons. Chapter 2 presents the conceptual framework of the study: It defines first the key terms and concepts of the study: business climate, state-business relations, favouritism, and wasta. After that, it discusses in general terms why and how favouritism may affect the business climate. Finally, the chapter draws upon theoretical literature to give possible explanations for the prevalence of favouritism in a given country. Chapter 3 is based on the results of Chapter 2 and delineates the hypotheses tested by our empirical research in Jordan. In addition, it gives a detailed account of our research methodology. Chapter 4 outlines the main features of the business climate in Jordan: It identifies the main problems perceived by businesspeople and discusses possible reasons for these weaknesses. The chapter concludes that statebusiness relations are a major area of concern for investors in Jordan. Chapter 5 turns to the role of wasta in Jordan. It shows how the use of wasta permeates all areas of economic and social life and gives an insight into the ambiguous attitudes of Jordanians toward wasta. Chapter 6 is devoted to the effects of wasta on the business climate and on investment. It shows that the prevalence of wasta in Jordan makes statebusiness relations unfair and inefficient. In addition, wasta establishes incentives for investment in social relations rather than in productive capital,thus lowering the rate of capital formation in Jordan. Chapter 7 concludes with policy recommendations." (excerpt)

"This study examines how the PRSP approach and decentralisation efforts interact with each other by studying constraining factors in Malawi's Public Financial Management at central and local government level that impede the implementation of the Malawi Poverty Reduction Strategy (MPRS). The
main focus is thus on implications of a decentralising PFM-system for PRSP implementation." (author's abstract)

"China's rising energy demands that are required for its booming economy have made the country one of the biggest emitters of greenhouse gases. The Chinese building sector substantially contributes to the country's CO2emissions. Chinese policy makers have realized that enhancing energy efficiency in buildings (EEB) is a promising approach with regard to combining further economic growth with less energy consumption and environmental impact. They have enacted a wide range of policies to foster energy efficiency within the building sector. While the policies can theoretically unfold a great energy saving potential, their implementation has been weak so far. This study analyzes the existing policies and measures in place in order to promote EEB and examines promoting factors as well as barriers for the implementation of EEB policies. The study comes to the conclusion that the determinants of successful EEB policy implementation in China arise in the fields: legal environment and enforcement, economic parameters for investment, informational and lifestyle aspects as well as the specific organization of the value chain in the housing sector." (author's abstract)

"Um die eigenen Einnahmen zu steigern, haben einige peruanische Kommunen
seit 1996 semi-autonome Steueragenturen, sogenannte , gegründet. Diese Agenturen sind im
Bezug auf ihre Personal- und Finanzplanung autonom. Sie finanzieren sich
über eine Kommission von 3 bis 10 % auf die von ihnen eingetriebenen
Steuern und sonstigen Abgaben. Bisher haben neun peruanische Kommunen
solche Agenturen gegründet, zwei weitere befinden sich in der Planung.
Allerdings verfügen nur drei Städte – Lima, Trujillo und Piura –
über SAT, die älter als fünf Jahre sind.
Die Auslagerung der Steuerverwaltung auf semi-autonome Agenturen
wird in Entwicklungsländern seit ca. 20 Jahren erprobt. Mit dem Modell
werden privatwirtschaftliche Instrumente und Anreizsysteme in der öffentlichen
Verwaltung eingeführt, wie sie im Rahmen des New Public Management
(NPM)-Ansatzes seit den 1980er Jahren diskutiert und angewandt
werden. Der Ansatz versucht, zwischen tendenziell gegenläufigen Zielen –
Effizienzsteigerung und Kostensenkung auf der einen Seite, erhöhte Kundenorientierung
und Servicequalität auf der anderen Seite – eine Balance
zu finden. Kritiker werfen dem NPM-Ansatz vor, im Zweifelsfall einseitig
auf Kostensenkung zu setzen und damit die Gemeinwohlorientierung und
Legitimität öffentlichen Handelns zu untergraben.
Peru ist bislang das einzige Land, in dem semi-autonome Steueragenturen
sowohl auf der nationalen als auch auf der lokalen Ebene eingerichtet
wurden. Während die ersten SAT-Gründungen als Reaktion der Kommunalregierungen
auf den Zentralismus der Regierung Fujimori (1990–2000)
aufzufassen sind, entstehen die neueren SAT vor dem Hintergrund eines
zaghaften Dezentralisierungsprozesses, der bis heute nicht abgeschlossen
ist. Insbesondere die fiskalische Dezentralisierung ist dabei bislang noch
wenig vorangekommen. Die Kommunen sind in hohem Maße von Transferleistungen
des Zentralstaats abhängig. Weniger als 2 % des gesamten
Steueraufkommens Perus werden von der lokalen Ebene eingeworben. Die
lokalen Steuerverwaltungen gelten als notorisch schwach, schlecht ausgestattet
und korruptionsanfällig.
Die vorliegende Untersuchung beleuchtet die Arbeit der SAT aus vier
verschiedenen Blickwinkeln. — Erstens wird gezeigt, dass die SAT ein interessanter Ansatz sind, um
die Effektivität und vermutlich auch die Effizienz der kommunalen
Steuerverwaltung zu steigern. Hierfür werden sieben SAT-Städte mit
21 Städten ohne SAT verglichen.
— Zweitens wird dargestellt, über welche Mechanismen die SAT einen
Beitrag zur Legitimität des kommunalen Steuersystems leisten, bzw.
unter welchen Umständen ihre Arbeit zu Legitimitätseinbußen führen
kann.
— Drittens wird untersucht, wie Innovationen in den SAT auf andere
Steuerverwaltungen und öffentliche Institutionen ausstrahlen.
— Viertens wird auf der Basis der drei ersten Untersuchungsachsen
gefragt, inwiefern das Modell der SAT auf weitere Kommunen in Peru
oder anderswo übertragbar ist." [Autorenreferat]

"Decentralisation and local government reform are important elements of many developing countries' efforts to improve state governance. Nonetheless, local governments often appear to be very limited in their ability to meet the high expectations associated with decentralisation and the introduction of local self-government. Kyrgyzstan in Central Asia is a typical example of a country where decentralisation efforts have been on the political agenda for more than a decade but actual results are less than satisfactory. While there is widespread agreement among experts about the diagnosis as such, so far little research has been done on the exact reasons for this situation and their effects on the Kyrgyz Republic's development potential. To address this question, this study analyses one particular aspect of decentralisation in the Kyrgyz Republic, namely its impact on popular participation in the design and implementation of local economic development policies. Proceeding from this analysis, the study derives conclusions and recommendations for the Kyrgyz government and other official bodies, local NGOs and international donors." (author's abstract)

"As a reaction to growing water scarcity worldwide, sustainable water allocation and use, and in particular the role of agriculture as a major water user, have become important topics in the development discourse. In recent years Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) emerged as an answer to many water management problems. IWRM approaches water management from a holistic perspective and encompasses, among others, the integration of economic, ecological and social aspects. Is implementation of such a holistic approach feasible in developing countries and countries in transition or does it rather overburden them? First experiences have been made with the implementation of IWRM in several developing and transition countries. The aim of this study is to provide some answers to the question of what has been achieved so far. Based on an analysis of Kyrgyz water governance, the study assesses the status quo as well as the potentials for and obstacles to the realization of the normative framework of IWRM in a transition country. Comparing today's institutional framework of water management with this normative concept, it reveals the most significant gaps between norm and reality, but also identifies progress towards IWRM. Recommendations on how to further develop Kyrgyz water governance towards IWRM are provided." (author's abstract)

"Decentralization reforms have been among the most important aspects of
state modernization in developing countries. From a normative perspective,
such reforms are expected to promote economic development and
democratization. Unfortunately, however, the course of real decentralization
processes has often been incoherent and defective. In this context, this
study analyses the challenges for successful decentralization in fragmented
polities focusing on Latin America and the special case of Ecuador. Based
on a political economy perspective on decentralization, we attempt to
show, how political fragmentation has affected decentralization. From
there, we develop criteria on how development assistance can at least
partly counter the negative effects of political fragmentation. Finally, we
analyse to which extend donor agencies have been pursuing such strategies
in Ecuador.
This study is the result of a research project, which has been carried out at
the German Development Institute (DIE) in 2004 and 2005 as part of the
DIE Post-Graduate Training Course for young professionals. Field research
was conducted from February to April 2004. The research project
was carried out in close cooperation with the Facultad Latinoamericana de
Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO) in Quito Ecuador, which supported the project
from its early stages. Among many FLACSO members, who gave
advice and valuable comments on different part of the study's content, the
authors especially thank Santiago Ortiz, who has intellectually and logistically
supported the project from its beginning. Many thanks also go to the
GTZ program on decentralization in Ecuador. Janos Zimmermann and his
team provided us with many valuable insights about the decentralization
process in Ecuador and development cooperation's attempts to foster subsidiarity
oriented state structures.
We also profited much from different presentations of the study's preliminary
results at FLACSO in Quito and at the Interamerican Development
Bank and the World Bank in Washington, where the respective staff members
constructively commented our findings. In Bonn, our colleagues at
the DIE also offered useful comments and constructive criticism. Special
thanks go to Matthias Krause, Tilman Altenburg and Oliver Schlumberger.
Finally, we would like to thank Gisela Kuhlmann, without whose skills
and patience, the technical process of editing this study would never have
come to an end." [author's abstract]

"The upcoming Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the European Union and African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries and regions are extremely challenging. Conceived as a follow-up to the non-reciprocal trade preferences granted to the ACP since 1975, the aim of the EPAs is sustainable development and poverty reduction through the establishment of a Free Trade Area. Many challenges and opportunities arise from this ambitious trade and development partnership between some of the world's poorest and richest countries. Throughout the negotiations, several stakeholders have expressed concerns about the possible negative effects in ACP countries that risk jeopardizing the developmental impacts of EPAs. The ambition, as well as the uncertainties around EPAs make a results-oriented monitoring of the agreements imperative. This study, commissioned by the German Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, addresses the possible goals of EPA monitoring, drawing conclusions on what broad areas need to be monitored, which principles should be followed and which stakeholders involved. The study then outlines the challenges involved in implementing a results-oriented monitoring system: which steps need to be taken, how best to derive indicators, which characteristics the latter should have and how they may be identified. The study also presents a number of recommendations on how to ensure that monitoring is given due consideration in the EPA legal texts." (author's abstract)

"On the African continent the establishment of the African Union (AU) in the year 2003 was significant in terms of the development of a new African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). In reaction to the African reform dynamics and the emerging international security agenda, external actors have begun to adjust their instruments and rethink their choices for action. New security concepts as well as recent approaches in development policy and other policy fields explicitly aim to support the peace and security architecture in Africa. When it comes to external support these developments have led to a search for changing approaches spanning foreign, security and development policy. This study sets out to analyse the new APSA in the context of changing concepts for external support to it." (author's abstract)

Micro and small enterprises (MSE) build the vast majority of businesses in Uganda. This contribution shows that their economic development is not only hampered by 'normal' business constraints faced by many MSEs in developing countries. The system of favouritism prevailing in Uganda's political economy disproportionally affects the MSE sector, impacting the country's economic development to some extent as well. This contribution introduces a new concept of political economy for MSE development based on (1) corruption/rent-seeking, (2) a possible political bias in economic policy towards larger businesses, reflected in the institutional support structure (3) the economic and lobbying power of big enterprises vs. MSEs, (4) and a potentially biased tax system. The concept is applied to the Uganda under Museveni's rule in the period 1994-2014, giving empirical insights that show how political and economic development are intertwined and to what extent this affects MSE development.

The T20 process has been put on a new footing during the German T20 process in 2017 by establishing issue-specific task forces as the key organisational structure. Task forces have evolved throughout the years, and other elements have been added, such as inviting think tanks from the region of the hosting nation and from Africa, and issuing calls for papers. After 4 years, we believe, it is time to reflect on the T20's achievements as well as areas for improvement. In this concept note, we focus mainly on process-related and structural issues as a prerequisite to advance specific recommendations to the G20 on pressing global challenges. As longstanding participants of the T20, we describe in the following our view on the purpose and current shortcomings of the T20 process and make suggestions on how the process could be reformed to allow the group to realise its full potential to become more impactful, effective and continuous while maintaining the T20's diversity, inclusiveness and dialogue-orientation. In particular, we propose a number of reforms of the governance of the T20.