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Radical right online discussion groups have grown in importance in the Swedish political landscape, yet the dynamics of these groups are still poorly understood. Apart from their topical import, these groups provide a unique entrance to grassroots discourses of the radical right movement and the mechanisms for radical nationalist mobilization. In this paper, we present an analysis of the largest current anti-immigrant online discussion group in Sweden by using a combination of quantitative and qualitative content analysis. We argue that this type of social media group needs to be approached as both a "counterpublic" within a wider public sphere and as a "free social space" for social movements. The analysis reveals that the use of external links in the group reflects an active negotiation of frames that both confirm and contradict those of the group, thereby challenging a simplistic understanding of the so-called "echo chamber" dynamics. A form of collective identity can be discerned, mainly through the opposition to various outgroups and through an implicit form of nationalism expressed through the concern of "sacred objects" typically perceived to be under threat.

There are many theses about Islamism being evolved in response to the changes in world politics. Recently, the 'transformation' thesis that explains how Islamism changed over time in the Indian context has been making rounds. This article investigates the state of Islamism in India, taking into account the inner-self of the phenomenon instead of its external perception, drawing primarily on Maududi's writings and the Jamaat-e-Islami of India's current literature. Taking Islamism as a movement in the domain of civil society that also possesses a discursive arena, that is, a public sphere, this article nuances the relationship between the civil society and Islamism. It argues that the Jamaat-e-Islami of India has adopted a bottom-up approach to broaden its reach in civil society. To this end, the party is contesting mainstream representations, offering oppositional counter-discourses and engaging with the public sphere and representing an emerging counterpublic that is challenging the hegemonic structures of the state as well as of the mainstream Muslim community. Hence, the article posits that Islamism has not undergone transformation on an ideological terrain.

In this essay, I analyze the rise of post-earthquake activism in L'Aquila as an exemplification of counterpublics' transformation into social movements endowed with "poetic" agency. Engendering "poetic agency," for a counterpublic and for a social movement alike, denotes being able to bring forth change in the world and being able to generate change in a creative, "poetic" way. In this sense, poetic assumes a connotation that opposes the Habermasian perspective of a public sphere in which only a rational-critical discourse can be engendered as check on the State. In the case of L'Aquila, I contend that the post-earthquake social movements' capability of effecting change in public life through poiesis has been enhanced by the possibilities of the Web 2.0 and by the activists' acknowledgement of new ways of political participation in a world of spectacularized politics. In this instance, strategies such as the exploitation of alternative "public screens" on the web and the use of "minor rhetorics" to contrast the mainstream media portrayal of the post-disaster situation worked together in a creative and spontaneous effort to improve the condition of the people living in the area affected by the quake.

Preface / Charlie Hailey -- Camping out: an introduction / Kenneth B. Kidd and Derritt Mason -- Notes home from camp, by Susan Sontag / Daniel Mallory Ortberg -- Camp sites -- 'The most curious' of all 'queer societies'? : sexuality and gender in British woodcraft camps, 1916-2016 / Annebella Pollen -- Queer pedagogy at Indian brook camp / Flavia Musinsky -- 'No trespassing' : Girl Scout camp and the limits of the counterpublic sphere / Kathryn R. Kent -- Nation-bonding : sexuality and the state in the Jewish summer camp / Alexis Mitchell -- Notes on church camp / D. Gilson -- Queer at camp : a selected assemblage of resistance and hope / Mark Lipton -- The camping ground 'down under' : queer interpretations of the Australian summer holiday / Paul Venzo -- Camp stories -- Camping with Walt Disney's Paul Bunyan : an essay short / Tammy L. Mielke and Andrew Trevarrow -- Illegal citizen : the Japanese-American internment camp in Soon-Teck Oh's Tondemonai : never happen! / Ana M. Jimenez-Moreno -- Why Angela won't go swimming : sleepaway camp, slasher films, and summer camp horrors / Chris McGee -- Striking camp : empowerment and re-presentation in Lumberjanes / Kyle Eveleth -- Escape to moonrise kingdom : let's go camping! / Kerry Mallan and Roderick McGillis -- 'Finding we-wha' : indigenous idylls in queer young adult literature / Joshua Whitehead.

International audience ; La médiatisation des politiques transgenres est récente. Les études qui portent sur cet objet de recherche montrent que les discours des trans peinent à être médiatisés, encore plus lorsqu'ils sont critiques. Toutefois, les discours les plus consensuels sont eux largement valorisés. En effet, il existe deux courants distincts et parfois en conflit au sein des politiques trans. Le premier plaide pour l'intégration tandis que le second refuse ouvertement de s'inscrire dans les rapports sexe/genre. Toutefois, ces deux courants se retrouvent autour de dénonciations d'assimilations au cabaret et à la prostitution. Nous étudierons l'un des objets de ces dénonciations, la médiatisation du bois de Boulogne, à travers un corpus d'émissions télévisées constitué à l'INA. Nous montrerons que la construction de figures archétypales consensuelles pose la question de leur interprétation/construction (une co-écriture) par les médias, le grand public et les personnes concernées. S'attacher à comprendre les mécanismes de pouvoir et de domination à l'œuvre dans la médiatisation des politiques trans (le montrable et l'in-montrable) - et leurs influences sur les contre-publics transidentitaires - nous engage également à penser le sujet politique trans.

International audience ; La médiatisation des politiques transgenres est récente. Les études qui portent sur cet objet de recherche montrent que les discours des trans peinent à être médiatisés, encore plus lorsqu'ils sont critiques. Toutefois, les discours les plus consensuels sont eux largement valorisés. En effet, il existe deux courants distincts et parfois en conflit au sein des politiques trans. Le premier plaide pour l'intégration tandis que le second refuse ouvertement de s'inscrire dans les rapports sexe/genre. Toutefois, ces deux courants se retrouvent autour de dénonciations d'assimilations au cabaret et à la prostitution. Nous étudierons l'un des objets de ces dénonciations, la médiatisation du bois de Boulogne, à travers un corpus d'émissions télévisées constitué à l'INA. Nous montrerons que la construction de figures archétypales consensuelles pose la question de leur interprétation/construction (une co-écriture) par les médias, le grand public et les personnes concernées. S'attacher à comprendre les mécanismes de pouvoir et de domination à l'œuvre dans la médiatisation des politiques trans (le montrable et l'in-montrable) - et leurs influences sur les contre-publics transidentitaires - nous engage également à penser le sujet politique trans.

International audience ; La médiatisation des politiques transgenres est récente. Les études qui portent sur cet objet de recherche montrent que les discours des trans peinent à être médiatisés, encore plus lorsqu'ils sont critiques. Toutefois, les discours les plus consensuels sont eux largement valorisés. En effet, il existe deux courants distincts et parfois en conflit au sein des politiques trans. Le premier plaide pour l'intégration tandis que le second refuse ouvertement de s'inscrire dans les rapports sexe/genre. Toutefois, ces deux courants se retrouvent autour de dénonciations d'assimilations au cabaret et à la prostitution. Nous étudierons l'un des objets de ces dénonciations, la médiatisation du bois de Boulogne, à travers un corpus d'émissions télévisées constitué à l'INA. Nous montrerons que la construction de figures archétypales consensuelles pose la question de leur interprétation/construction (une co-écriture) par les médias, le grand public et les personnes concernées. S'attacher à comprendre les mécanismes de pouvoir et de domination à l'œuvre dans la médiatisation des politiques trans (le montrable et l'in-montrable) - et leurs influences sur les contre-publics transidentitaires - nous engage également à penser le sujet politique trans.

International audience ; La médiatisation des politiques transgenres est récente. Les études qui portent sur cet objet de recherche montrent que les discours des trans peinent à être médiatisés, encore plus lorsqu'ils sont critiques. Toutefois, les discours les plus consensuels sont eux largement valorisés. En effet, il existe deux courants distincts et parfois en conflit au sein des politiques trans. Le premier plaide pour l'intégration tandis que le second refuse ouvertement de s'inscrire dans les rapports sexe/genre. Toutefois, ces deux courants se retrouvent autour de dénonciations d'assimilations au cabaret et à la prostitution. Nous étudierons l'un des objets de ces dénonciations, la médiatisation du bois de Boulogne, à travers un corpus d'émissions télévisées constitué à l'INA. Nous montrerons que la construction de figures archétypales consensuelles pose la question de leur interprétation/construction (une co-écriture) par les médias, le grand public et les personnes concernées. S'attacher à comprendre les mécanismes de pouvoir et de domination à l'œuvre dans la médiatisation des politiques trans (le montrable et l'in-montrable) - et leurs influences sur les contre-publics transidentitaires - nous engage également à penser le sujet politique trans.

The annual Chief Big Foot Memorial Ride represents the longest continuous example of Lakota memorial and resistance rides in contemporary Lakota activism. First held in 1986, this commemoration of the journey of Chief Big Foot's band of Lakotas and the subsequent Wounded Knee Massacre in 1890 now reaches beyond the confines of the ride itself through the use of social media profiles that serve to both publicize and document the ride. This article seeks to understand the way that photographs from the rides influence the types and amount of engagement it receives on social media. Using a qualitative and quantitative approach, 304 images and their associated engagements from the 2018 ride were analyzed using content analysis and a grounded theory approach. This revealed that certain characteristics gave rise to the construction of a counterpublic around this ride. Findings suggest that both the content of photos and types of authors for posts influenced the number and types of engagements received by certain photographs. Given the relative isolation of many Indigenous communities in the Americas, these findings suggest that certain strategies for social media posts by Indigenous social movements can overcome these barriers to spread their message to a wider audience through strategic use of imagery associated with these movements.

AbstractQualitative studies have indicated that the illegal killing of wolves is often attributed a protest dimension. However, we have limited knowledge about the factors that impact this judgement. The present study investigates views on illegal wolf killing among Norwegian hunters and connects these views to background factors, hunting cultures, anti‐elitism and the legitimacy of environmental institutions, probing the existence of a 'counterpublic' where killing wolves is seen as justified resistance. Only a minority tolerated the activity, but compared to other hunting‐related offences, killing a wolf illegally was seen as 'not serious' by the largest group. Hunters with limited education, living in rural areas, and who were motivated by a 'tradition and stewardship' ethos when hunting, were more inclined to accept illegal killing. Anti‐elitism and lack of trust in environmental institutions were even stronger predictors. We conclude that hunting‐related issues are not among the prime drivers of support for illegal wolf hunting. Rather, it is typically part of a worldview that reflects a rural subaltern experience, comprising elements of cultural resistance. While the political dimension is not always articulated, overlooking it and treating illegal killing simply as 'crime' may stoke conflicts and fortify an understanding of power relations that already drives resistance.

Qualitative studies have indicated that the illegal killing of wolves is often attributed a protest dimension. However, we have limited knowledge about the factors that impact this judgement. The present study investigates views on illegal wolf killing among Norwegian hunters and connects these views to background factors, hunting cultures, anti-elitism and the legitimacy of environmental institutions, probing the existence of a 'counterpublic' where killing wolves is seen as justified resistance. Only a minority tolerated the activity, but compared to other hunting-related offences, killing a wolf illegally was seen as 'not serious' by the largest group. Hunters with limited education, living in rural areas, and who were motivated by a 'tradition and stewardship' ethos when hunting, were more inclined to accept illegal killing. Anti-elitism and lack of trust in environmental institutions were even stronger predictors. We conclude that huntingrelated issues are not among the prime drivers of support for illegal wolf hunting. Rather, it is typically part of a worldview that reflects a rural subaltern experience, comprising elements of cultural resistance. While the political dimension is not always articulated, overlooking it and treating illegal killing simply as 'crime' may stoke conflicts and fortify an understanding of power relations that already drives resistance. ; publishedVersion

Lisa Ben's "Cinema Ramblings" in the 1940s underground publication Vice Versa mark some of the first media reviews to focus on homosexual themes, representations, and subtexts from a self-proclaimed lesbian perspective. While still largely unknown, the critical lenses and stylistic methods she employed set a precedent for the kind of radical queer media criticism that reviewers engage in today. Her writings deconstruct heteronormative frameworks by redefining the borders of the "normal" and the "natural"; look to the margins of media texts, often placing more focus on secondary figures than on main characters; rely on intertextual understandings that read films against their adaptation sources; and actively participate in a form of "subtexting," or, as she puts it, "playing up" suggestive representations. Ben's film reviews present an important and relevant counterframe to cinematic deliberations on the instability of sexual and social relations. This counterframe existed among other counterpublic discourses available at the time and enables a queer reading of 1930s and '40s film representations such as Children of Loneliness (1934), Club des femmes (1936), and Turnabout (1940). Drawing from reviews and essays published in Vice Versa, I propose a way of reading media representations of transgressive sexuality and gender—an analytic and a vocabulary—that predates queer theory as an institutionalized concern.

Intro -- Foreword -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- 1: Introduction -- Some Strands, and their Unpicking -- Aims and Scope of the Book -- The Composition of the Book -- An Agenda for Research -- Conclusion -- References -- Part I: Deploying Sexuality for a Gendered Nationalism -- 2: Mining, Masculinity, and Morality: Understanding the Australian National Imaginary Through Iconic Labor -- Introduction -- The Middle-Class, Federation, and Nation-Building -- Mining, Morality, and Gender in the Victorian Era -- Mining and the Pre-federation Middle-Class -- Discussion -- Conclusions -- References -- 3: Inventing a Muscular Global India: History, Masculinity, and Nation in Mangal Pandey: The Rising -- Globalization and the Middle Classes in India -- Muscular Nationalism -- Shifting Masculine Ideals -- India Poised to Rise: National Triumphalism -- Hindu Nationalism -- Mangal Pandey -- Conclusion -- Explaining the Context -- References -- 4: Homophobia as Geopolitics: 'Traditional Values' and the Negotiation of Russia's Place in the World -- Russian Sexuality Politics in Historical Perspective -- The Geopolitics of "Traditional Values" -- An Ambivalent Mapping -- Conclusion: Beyond the "Gay Divide" -- References -- 5: The Formation of an Israeli Gay 'Counterpublic': Challenging Heteronormative Modes of Masculinity in a 'Nation in Arms' -- The Israeli Nation and Masculinity -- Gay Legislation in Israel -- Methodology -- The Symbolic Significance of Independence Park and Its Uses by Gay Men -- Independence Park's National Symbolic Transformation -- Implications of Independence Park: On Israeli Nationalism, Masculinity, and Gay Men -- References -- 6: "Tampering with Society's DNA" or "Making Society Stronger": A Comparative Perspective on Family, Religion and Gay Rights in the Construction of the Nation.

Ponders the potential for a feminist public sphere. Discussion opens with some remarks on Jurgen Habermas's The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (1989) & the linguistic turn in theorizing to point out deficiencies in current public sphere theory particularly with respect to emphasizing discourse & treating the media as only instruments for the dissemination of discourse. The contributions of feminist theorizing to understanding the public sphere are noted; although such efforts are criticized for their parochialism, while much scholarship is seen to follow Habermas & pays scant attention to how public modes of discourse are produced, enabled, & obstructed through the media's hegemonic practices. Feminist treatments of the transnationalization of the public sphere are addressed, countering the work of Nancy Fraser (1997) with that of C. T. Mohanty (2002), whose notion of transnational feminist praxis is deemed more nuanced than the former's "too-rigid categorical opposition." The idea of a transnational feminist movement is then elaborated on, demonstrating congruence with the feminist concept of the counterpublic sphere. In addition, attention is given to cosmopolitan democracy, particularly Habermas's thought, exposing problems with his ideas that ought to concern feminists. In this light, difficulties with the notion of "globalization from below" & transnational civil society are considered, along with the roles of the UN & NGOs in excluding women. In closing, the implications of new media & neoliberal globalization for a public sphere & women's communicative access therein are briefly articulated. 58 References. J. Zendejas