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« This book argues that the Arab Spring brought to the forefront numerous societal, political, and historical problems in the Middle East that scholars and practitioners throughout the 20th century and into the 21st century have continually glossed over or reduced in their analysis and analytical frameworks when studying the Middle East. These include the prevalent and persistent impact of Islam on political life, an impact of transnational and subnational identities, including sect, tribe, and regional identity, as well as the overuse of the state as the fundamental unit of analysis when studying the region. As a result, this book asserts that primordial identities including religion, sect, and tribe have, and will continue to have, a significant impact on the conduct of politics in the Middle East. « (Verlagsbeschreibung)

الخلاصة لقد شكل المحافظون الجدد وهم بالأساس نخبة من المثقفين ومن السياسيين الأمريكيين كتلة ضغط كبيرة التأثير على الإدارة في عهد الجمهوريين. حمل هؤلاء المحافظون مشروعاً إيديولوجياً البسوه لسلطة الجمهوريين وهو يهدف إلى جعل أمريكا سيدة العالم من دون منازع خاصة بعد انهيار الاتحاد السوفييتي ونهاية الحرب الباردة. واكب هذا الحدث التاريخي الكثير من الأفكار ومنها (نهاية التاريخ)، وصراع الحضارات، وكذلك المنظرون المباشرون للحرب الأمريكية بول ولفوفتز، واليوت ابراهامز، وريتشارد بيرل، وجون بولتون وابرز حلفائهم وزير الخارجية رامسفيلد ومساندهم هنري كيسينغر الذي اكد على الرسالة والدور القائد لأمريكا. وقد ذهب هؤلاء جميعهم بالنظرة الأقرب إلى الفكر الصهيوني الذي ينظر إلى إعادة تشكيل المنطقة على أساس الهويات الفئوية العرقية والأثنية والدينية والطائفية.

Why did Turkish policies toward Syria and Egypt in 2011–15 largely fail? At the individual level, the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdogan was plagued by populism in the sense that he uses foreign policy issues for the sake of domestic party politics without pursuing long-term international strategies. At the state level, Turkey's military and diplomatic capacity was not sufficient to shape the political transformations in Syria and Egypt. At the international level, Turkey could not effectively respond to the challenges of the Iranian-led and Saudi Arabian–led blocs. The former supported the regime of Bashar al-Assad and the latter backed the military coup in Egypt. Turkey needed the support of its North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies against these two rival blocs. However, Erdogan's populist discourse and tendency toward Islamist authoritarianism further deteriorated Turkey's relations with its Western allies.

A plethora of media platforms were involved in communicating recent protests across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), though it remains unclear exactly how these interacted. This qualitative article, based primarily on interviews with British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) newsworkers, explores the networked linkages between social and broadcast media, asking how social media content moved into broadcast news, which standards shaped the interface between the two and how these standards were defined. It finds that a set of normative and practical standards caused significant friction at the interface, which is reduced as content assimilates these standards. Standards are shaped mainly in response to broadcast imperatives, but also through the mainstreaming of social media and more efficacious and practicable networked communicative practices, indicating how power may shift in the networked age. Responding to the optimistic view that networked multimedia environments enable unencumbered communication, it argues that the scope and limits of communicative affordances depend on these standards.

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