"From the end of the eighteenth century to the end of the nineteenth century, a remarkable convergence took place in Europe between theories of the modern state and theories of culture. Culture and the State relates this convergence to the social function of state and cultural institutions in modern society, analyzing how culture assumes the task of forming citizens for the modern state."--Jacket
The paper examines the potential for the EU to act as a leading actor in internationalization of higher education area based on the case of India – one of the largest higher education national systems, which has been in a process of massification and transformation. Based on the general framework of strategic cooperation between the EU and India, the paper looks at the EU's strategies and instruments for cooperation in the area of higher education, considers the current picture and identifies enabling factors for intensification of this cooperation. It raises the question of whether the EU can go beyond bilateral relations between higher education institutions and become a collective driver of higher education cooperation between India and the European Higher Education Area, and what the barriers and challenges in developing the external dimension of the EU's higher education policy are.
Abstract Despite the fact that higher education in Iraq has suffered from the scourges of many wars (1980–1988, 1991, 2003), international sanctions (1990–2003) and governments' interference, since 1968, the vast majority of its members struggled to keep the universities and colleges as effective instruments in teaching, researching and providing the society with qualified graduates. But one cannot deny the many obstacles and challenges that faced these institutions. After 2003, neither the occupying forces nor the political parties they imposed on Iraq showed any real interest in developing this sector. One main reason was, perhaps, because the United States feared the educated and skilled Iraqi brains that were the main reasons behind the successes the country had achieved in the past. {(One could cite the words of the former US secretary of state, Madeline Albright, who answered a question about why the sanctions were still imposed on Iraq while admitting that Iraq's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) were destroyed; she said it was because the brains were still there (Al-Rubaie 2008). Also, the declaration of President Bashar al-Asad who said that following the occupation of Iraq in 2003 he received Colin Powell, then US secretary of state, who warned him against receiving or sheltering Iraqi scientists and academics (al-Mayadeen 2013)}. Also, because of their conservative religious attitudes, the ruling clique after 2003 alienated the technocrats fearing that their role in developing the society and the state could be a real challenge to their own parochial ideologies. The result was an acute deterioration in the field of education in general and higher education in particular. In general, the higher education system in Iraq was faced with a major challenge, which was represented by the insistence of the different regimes to control the education system. However, the official interference was not always harmful to education in general and higher education in particular. For example, in 1968, the government approved a law requiring the free and compulsory education at all levels, and in 1977, it passed the law for the eradication of illiteracy. UNESCO duly presented Iraq with the prize of the year for eradicating illiteracy in 1982 (Ranjan and Jain 2009). Also, between 1970 and 1980, the regime took a very positive step by sending thousands of students abroad to study for higher degrees. By the end of the decade Iraqi higher education was self-sufficient in all fields of knowledge. The aim of this essay is to show how the education system has been neglected since 2003 till the present. The article will try to discuss the reality of the higher education system, compare it to the past and look at its future, by examining the main challenges that male and female academics faced during the occupation and the domination of religious-conservative movements in the post-occupation government. The authors' experience as former members of Baghdad University staff has been the main source for this essay.
Purpose This paper aims to investigate the relation between the creditworthiness of US institutions of higher education and their student selectivity (i.e. demand and quality).
Design/methodology/approach The authors study whether the impact of student selectivity differs across public vs private universities; across the credit quality of the given public university's state; and across the level of state appropriations for the given public university.
Findings The authors find that student quality and demand measures are significantly associated with their corresponding institution's creditworthiness, especially for private universities.
Originality/value For public universities the association is weak and, contrary to the expectations, does not depend on the state credit quality or level of state funding. The findings are robust to the inclusion of control variables.
Paper on problems, achievements and prospects of education for all in Vietnam. Overview of developments during the last 45 years in the areas of universal primary education, teacher and administator education, educational research. (Centre for the Study of Education in Developing Countries)
In this paper, I would like to show how qualitative research in education and semiotics can be brought together for the benefit of each field. Starting with attempts to define both qualitative research and semiotics in ways that can inform both disciplines, I hope to accomplish this task by mapping a series of three crossroads that define the past, present, and hopefully the future of the field.
AbstractDespite the continued debate over the relationship between church and state in American politics, our understanding of the sources of attitudes on controversies over religious establishment and religious free exercise is limited. I argue that authoritarianism is an unrecognized but important predictor of mass-level attitudes on church and state. I argue that individuals with higher levels of authoritarianism are more likely to support religious establishment as a means of maintaining social conformity and reinforcing the existing social order. Likewise, those with higher levels of authoritarianism should exhibit reduced support for religious free exercise when minority groups are in question as a means of imposing greater costs on social out-groups. Using data from the 2008 Cooperative Campaign Analysis Project, I find strong support for my theory. Even after controlling for a variety of alternative explanations, authoritarianism remains an important factor in attitudes toward both religious establishment and religious free exercise.
The article examines the current topical problems of modernization of the education system and the development of modern Russia in the context of globalization. There is substantiated the necessity of the correspondence of the reforms to the historical traditions of the country and the type of society. The authors support the assertion that the limit of the reforms degenerates. As a result, "the reform inevitably turns into its opposite, i.e., a kind of counter-reform". The authors develop methodological principles associated with the idea formulated above. The central idea is that the study of the limits of reforms has become very topical for ensuring Russia's national security. ; В статье исследуются актуальные проблемы модернизации системы образования и развития современной России в условиях глобализации. Обосновывается необходимость соответствия проводимых реформ историческим традициям страны и типу общества. Авторы присоединяются к утверждению о том, что лимит (предел) реформ вырождается. В результате «реформа неизбежно превращается в свою противоположность, т. е. в своеобразную контрреформу». Далее авторы развивают методологические установки, связанные с выше сформулированным тезисом. Центральным становится положение о том, что исследование пределов реформ является остроактуальным для обеспечения национальной безопасности России.