Political science research on Europeanization has focused too little on the domestic legal-constitutional implications of European legal integration. We address this relative neglect, identifying two models of the impact of European law on domestic judicial discourses and testing them against evidence on the invocation of three EU law concepts within English courts. Contrary to a statist model, which expects judicial discourses to correspond closely with direct importations of European law through the preliminary reference procedure, we find stronger support for an indigenization model in which courts gradually domesticate previously alien concepts. These domesticating discourses offer new insights into domestic political and constitutional orders in the context of European and international legalization.
Bolivia seems to be moving toward the integration of indigenous territories into the institutional, political and administrative organization of the state, a process that would result in the establishment of autonomous ethnic districts and jurisdictions. This article offers a cross-reading of events in three political arenas over the last four decades: the mobilization of indigenous organizations in defense of their rights; national debates on ethnically defined territories and indigenous identity; and increasing international support for the protection and promotion of indigenous peoples' rights. The aim is a better understanding of the complex interactions between scales of governance that have led to this new political landscape in Bolivia. ; La Bolivie semble s'engager vers l'institutionnalisation de territoires autochtones intégrés à l'organisation politico-administrative de l'Etat. Ce processus se traduirait par l'instauration de circonscriptions et de juridictions ethniques autonomes. Cet article propose une lecture croisée considérant à la fois la mobilisation des organisations autochtones pour leurs droits, les débats nationaux autour des questions de territoires et d'autochtonie et l'évolution du contexte international au cours des quatre dernières décennies pour tenter de mieux comprendre les effets d'imbrication d'échelles de gouvernance qui ont mené à cet horizon politique en Bolivie.
Discussing the character of the Polish party system elsewhere, I have suggested a label of "hegemonic party system" for it, as well as for some other party systems based on similar principles. The hegemonic party systems stand mid-way between the mono-party systems and the dominant party systems as defined by Maurice Duverger. In an earlier paper written jointly with Rajni Kothari we have suggested the following typology of party systems:1. Alternative party systems, where two or more political parties compete for political power with realistic chances of success;2. Consensus party systems, where multi-partism does exist but one political party commands in a lasting way the loyalties of a predominant majority of the citizens and permanently runs the government;3. Hegemonic party systems, where all the existing parties form a lasting coalition within which one of them is accepted as the leading force of the coalition;4. Mono-party systems;5. Suspended party systems, where political parties exist but are prevented from regulating political life by other forces (for instance, by the military);6. Non-party systems, where the government is ideologically hostile toward the political parties as such and does not permit them to function.Quite obviously, this typology does not exclude mixed types of party systems. On the contrary, the very fact that in political life nothing is absolutely permanent leads to the emergence of transitory types of party systems.
Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Original Title Page -- Preface -- Table of Contents -- Volume 1 -- Chapter I Conditions of Life in the Early Periods -- Japan as described in Chinese History -- Japan as described in the"" San Kuo Chih "" -- Why was China an object of admiration? -- Influx of foreign civilization -- Chinese titles conferred upon Japanese Court -- Civilization with the River Yodo as the centre of prosperity -- Japan denominated"" Nippon"" -- Japanese History as divided into Seven Main Periods -- Chapter II The Reformation of Taika
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
Abstract There is increasing interest in cumulative approaches to science, in which instead of analyzing the results of individual papers separately, we integrate information qualitatively or quantitatively. One such approach is meta-analysis, which has over 50 years of literature supporting its usefulness, and is becoming more common in cognitive science. However, changes in technical possibilities by the widespread use of Python and R make it easier to fit more complex models, and even simulate missing data. Here we recommend the use of mega-analyses (based on the aggregation of data sets collected by independent researchers) and hybrid meta- mega-analytic approaches, for cases where raw data are available for some studies. We illustrate the three approaches using a rich test-retest data set of infants' speech processing as well as synthetic data. We discuss advantages and disadvantages of the three approaches from the viewpoint of a cognitive scientist contemplating their use, and limitations of this article, to be addressed in future work.
The causes and consequences of global change are well-documented, as are mitigation and adaptation strategies. However, human actions continue to fail in building adequate socio-ecological resilience to the accelerating threats of global change. Translational science, which focuses on connecting scientific research to human benefits, is imperative to building resilience to a confluence of global change threats because it brings the implications of theory and empirical research into practice. Translational ecology, an approach to knowledge co-creation that is grounded in equitable, inclusive, empathetic, and just partnerships among administrators, policy makers, scholars, practitioners, and the public, has immense potential to bring about the rapid and expansive social, ecological and political changes necessary to build resilience to global change threats. Here, we articulate a need for greater engagement of ecologists and other professionals in translational initiatives addressing seven major resilience building challenges, and propose a framework that lowers barriers to participation and promotes stronger relationships among stakeholders. We recommend specific actions that ecologists can take based on their situation, as well as evidence and demonstrated need, to foster resilience building through their contributions to communication, policy, education, knowledge creation, leadership, and service as role models. We conclude with an urgent call for expansive engagement of ecologists and other professionals in initiatives that combat misinformation, partner equitably with communities in knowledge creation, cultivate empathy and compassion, bolster public trust in science, and ultimately build decentralized communities of practice that enable rapid and high-impact responses to global change.
"Elite political culture" may be defined as the set of politically relevant beliefs, values, and habits of the most highly involved and influential participants in a political system. Studying elite political culture requires methodological innovation which will allow us to do justice to the subtleties of the belief systems of sophisticated political leaders without doing violence to our normal standards of reliability and verification. As one example of the study of elite political culture, this paper presents an empirically based analysis of "ideological politics" and "the end of ideology."After some clarification of the logical structure and empirical assumptions of existing descriptions of "ideological politics," these descriptions are examined in the light of data from a study of the basic beliefs and values of British and Italian politicians, based on intensive interviews with random samples of 93 British MPs and 83 Italiandeputati.The core of the notion of "ideological politics" is interpreted in terms of "political style," that is,howpoliticians talk and think about concrete policy problems such as poverty or urban transportation. Each respondent's discussion of two such issues was analyzed in terms of 12 "stylistic characteristics," such as "inductive-deductive thinking," "use of historical context," "moralization," and "reference to distributive group benefits." Ratings of these stylistic characteristics are found to cluster in intelligible ways, and on the basis of the dominant stylistic dimension, an Index of Ideological Style is constructed. Those politicians who rank high on this Index are also found to be more ideologically motivated, more abstract in their conceptions of politics, especially party politics, and more idealistic than their less "ideological" colleagues. They are also more alienated from existing socio-political institutions and are concentrated at the extremes of the political spectrum. Further investigation shows, however, that contrary to the assumptions of the existing literature, these "ideologues" arenotmore dogmatic,notless open to compromise,notmore antagonistic to the norms of pluralist politics,notmore hostile to political opponents. Partisan hostility and ideological style are found to be two distinct syndromes.The "end of ideology" thesis is examined by comparing the attitudes and style of respondents from different political generations. In both countries younger politicians are markedly less dogmatic and hostile, but in neither country are they any less "ideological" in their approach to political phenomena and problems of public policy.In the light of these data the "end of ideology" debate is reformulated. The probable causes and consequences of both the decline of partisan hostility and the persistence of ideology are discussed. Finally, some conclusions are drawn concerning the role of ideology in politics and concerning the theoretical promise and methodological problems of studying elite political culture.
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association, Band 63, Heft 3, S. 612-627
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association, Band 49, Heft 2, S. 445-466
"These lectures . have been published already, week by week, in the British citizen."--Pref. ; I. Nationality and sovereignty.--II. Personal monarchy and parliamentary government.--III. The mechanism of society.--IV. Good and bad government.--V. The sense of citizenship.--VI. Personal character.--Appendixes: I. Free trade illusion. II. Ideals for society and personal Christian life.--Index. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Emmanuel Levinas has taught that ethics is straightforwardness itself, the sincerity of the face soliciting assistance, the inter-humanity constituted through our moral responsiveness, and the laws and institutions of justice that responsibility requires to keep oppression and exploitation at bay. And yet we know that in today's world police states, global corporations, capitalist commodification and mass media surveil, deceive and exploit humanity through the manipulation and even manufacture of desires in a posthumanity in which nothing is what it seems. This volume raises the questions of how to be ethical in today's environment and if and how an ethical politics is possible. There is a great deal of literature on this contemporary topic. The distinctive character of this volume, however, is to examine and develop these central questions from the perspective of Levinas's ethics of the other person. Religions is the appropriate journal for this discussion because Levinas's ethics is at once, and explicitly, a morality and a religious calling. In this particular issue of Religions we will draw upon the scholarship of those scholars who have participated in the 5th and 6th Levinas Philosophy Summer Seminar (LPSS), directed annually by noted Levinas scholar Richard A. Cohen. The 5th LPSS, on the topic "Morality, Justice and the Political," was held at the University at Buffalo, Buffalo, New York, July, from July 17 to 21, 2017. Fourteen American scholars, selected from a larger pool of applicants, attended. This summer seminar was sponsored by the National Endowment for the Humanities. The 6th LPSS, on the topic "Ideology and Justice," is to be held at the University of Chicago Center in Paris, France, from July 2 to 6, 2018. It is anticipated that sixteen international scholars will participate. Contributors to the special issue of Religions will be drawn from selected attendees from both the 2017 and 2018 LPSS.
Emmanuel Levinas has taught that ethics is straightforwardness itself, the sincerity of the face soliciting assistance, the inter-humanity constituted through our moral responsiveness, and the laws and institutions of justice that responsibility requires to keep oppression and exploitation at bay. And yet we know that in today's world police states, global corporations, capitalist commodification and mass media surveil, deceive and exploit humanity through the manipulation and even manufacture of desires in a posthumanity in which nothing is what it seems. This volume raises the questions of how to be ethical in today's environment and if and how an ethical politics is possible. There is a great deal of literature on this contemporary topic. The distinctive character of this volume, however, is to examine and develop these central questions from the perspective of Levinas's ethics of the other person. Religions is the appropriate journal for this discussion because Levinas's ethics is at once, and explicitly, a morality and a religious calling. In this particular issue of Religions we will draw upon the scholarship of those scholars who have participated in the 5th and 6th Levinas Philosophy Summer Seminar (LPSS), directed annually by noted Levinas scholar Richard A. Cohen. The 5th LPSS, on the topic "Morality, Justice and the Political," was held at the University at Buffalo, Buffalo, New York, July, from July 17 to 21, 2017. Fourteen American scholars, selected from a larger pool of applicants, attended. This summer seminar was sponsored by the National Endowment for the Humanities. The 6th LPSS, on the topic "Ideology and Justice," is to be held at the University of Chicago Center in Paris, France, from July 2 to 6, 2018. It is anticipated that sixteen international scholars will participate. Contributors to the special issue of Religions will be drawn from selected attendees from both the 2017 and 2018 LPSS.