Suchergebnisse

Sultan Alâeddin Keykubad, yaklaşık on sekiz sene süren saltanatı boyunca her alanda istikrarlı bir politika takip etmiştir. Dış politikada da akılcı, uzlaşmacı ve ileri görüşlü bir siyaset izleyen Alâeddin Keykubad, bu sayede Türkiye Selçuklu Devleti'ni siyasi, ticari ve kültürel bir güç haline getirmeyi başarmıştır. Alâeddin Keykubad, ülkesinin bağımsız bir şekilde mevcudiyetini devam ettirebilmesi için Anadolu'dan geçen uluslararası ticaret yollarının gelirinden maksimum seviyede pay almak istemiş, dış siyasetini de bu temel üzerine oturtmuştur. Nitekim, tahta çıktıktan hemen sonra Avrupa ülkelerine karşı Venedik Dukalığına bazı ticari ayrıcalıklar veren bir anlaşma imzalamış; bu anlaşmadan kısa bir süre sonra da ilk seferini önemli bir liman şehri olan Alâiye üzerine düzenlemiştir. Alâeddin Keykubad, komşu devletlerle olan münasebetlerinde gereksiz risklerden kaçınmış ve otoritesini sarsacak düzeyde olmadıkça anlaşmazlıkları barış yolu ile çözmüştür. Zira, Moğollara, Eyyubilere ve Celâleddin Harezmşah'a karşı izlediği bu siyaset sayesinde, hem ülkesini olası bir yıkımdan korumuş, hem de herhangi bir istila hareketine karşı zaman kazanıp, önlemlerini almıştır. Ancak, son bağımsız Türkiye Selçuklu Devleti hükümdarı Alâeddin Keykubad'ın ölümünden sonra, onun izlediği başarılı siyaset halefleri tarafından devam ettirilemeyince, Türkiye Selçuklu Devleti Moğolların hâkimiyetine girmiştir. ; Sultan Alaeddin Keykubad has followed a stable policy in all areas throughout his eighteen year reign. In foreign policy, rational, conciliatory and forward-thinking policy followed Alaeddin Keykubad, the Seljuk Empire in Turkey whereby the political, commercial and cultural succeeded in bringing into force. Alâeddin Keykubad wanted to get the maximum share of the international trade routes passing through Anatolia in order to maintain his country's independent existence and he built his foreign policy on this basis. As a matter of fact, he immediately signed an agreement including some commercial privileges against the European countries, with the Duchy of Venice ; shortly after this agreement , he organized his first voyage to the Alâiye,which was an important port city. Alaeddin Keykubad avoided unnecessary risks in his relations with neighboring states and resolved disputes peacefully, unless he was at a level to shake up his authority. Because of this policy which he followed against the Mongols, Ayyubids and Jalaleddin Harezmshah, not only he protected his country from possible destruction but also gained time and measures against any invasion movement. However, Alaeddin Keykubat's death last independent ruler of Turkey Seljuk State, by successfully continued by his successors follow politics, Turkey Seljuk State has entered of the the Mongol domination.

The 20th anniversary of the Arctic Council (AC) in 2016 provided an excellent opportunity for evaluating the council's performance over its two decades in operation. Along the AC's appraisals, various commentators – both from within and without the council's circles – put forward proposals to reform the AC in order to, arguably, strengthen it and enhance its effectiveness vis-à-vis new challenges facing the Arctic. Interestingly, most of those accounts have only tenuous, if any, connection with the general literature on international environmental regimes and their effectiveness. As a result, they do not draw from the insights flowing from this literature and, in reverse, they miss an opportunity to contribute to the broader body of knowledge about international environmental institutions. The lack of systematic inquiry also hampers our ability to accumulate knowledge about the performance of the AC itself. To address that matter, this article draws up a basic framework through which future assessments of the AC's effectiveness could be grounded in the general literature on international regimes. The study treats the AC as an institution or regime as these terms are used in the broader literature on international relations. It adopts the political definition of institutional effectiveness and is based on literature reviews related to international regimes and the AC as well as, whenever relevant, on the subject of Arctic governance at large. Overall, the article underlines the critical importance of systematic inquiry and transparency in producing insights regarding the AC's effectiveness – as of any other institution – to allow for accumulation of our comprehension of what makes the AC work.

Border areas are sites of intensive interaction between states and interregional business. Political tensions and armed conflicts have a particularly strong impact on trade flows. In fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS), where states have limited power and where the enforcement of laws, rules and regulations is weak, irregular economies tend to thrive along borders, where state officials often deal with border formalities in arbitrary ways. This Working Paper focuses on transporters, i. e. hauliers, as important actors in the border areas between Afghanistan and its neighbours Pakistan and Iran. The transport sector is sensitive to market fluctuations and a volatile business environment, reacting strongly with increasing or declining employment. This study addresses the question of how haulage companies and workers operate in an insecure environment as found in the border areas of FCAS and identifies strategies for conflict-sensitive employment. Based on the analysis of academic studies, bilateral treaties and their implementation, media reports and interviews with owners and managers of haulage companies and small hauliers, drivers and labourers, this Working Paper presents the particularities of formal and informal trade in the border areas of Afghanistan. A major finding is that states, large companies, small transporters and workers greatly differ in their perceptions of violent conflict, which range from views of alarming insecurity to regarding it as negligible. Moreover, businessmen tend to perceive corrupt practices by state officials and the police as a source of more uncertainty than acts by non-state armed groups. A third insight is that Pakistan and Iran consider cross-border trade with Afghanistan a minor issue as both states are pursuing particular interests in the larger region. Pakistan's tense relationship with India and Iran's struggle with Western sanctions inform the trade strategies of these countries, while Afghanistan is a marginal player in these power struggles. Some conflict-sensitive employment strategies, such as employing drivers and assistants according to cultural criteria to facilitate safe passage through areas under the control of various power holders and affected by violent conflict are adopted by cross-border haulage companies out of self-interest. The paper presents additional strategies that major companies can use.

Throughout the Cold War there were longstanding efforts to control the spread of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) through extensive arms control, deterrence, and defense programs. Since then counterproliferation efforts by the U.S. and international community have accelerated. Given the attention to counterproliferation in the last decade, how effective was the leadership provided by President Clinton and his Secretaries of Defense, Aspin, Perry and Cohen, in providing innovative and effective policies for countering the proliferation of WMD?Comparing the cases of U.S.-North Korea Agreed Fram.

In his examination of interwar Mexico, early Cold War Cuba, and Puerto Rico during the Alliance for Progress, Merrill demonstrates how tourists and the international travel industry facilitated the expansion of U.S. consumer and cultural power in Latin America. He also shows the many ways in which local service workers, labor unions, business interests, and host governments vied to manage the Yankee invasion. Highlighting the everyday realities of U.S. empire in ways often overlooked, Merrill's analysis provides historical context for understanding the contemporary debate over the costs and be

"Rising powers such as Brazil, China, India, Russia and Turkey are increasingly claiming heightened profiles in international politics. Although differing in other respects, rising states have a strong desire for recognition and respect. This pioneering volume on status features contributions which develop propositions on status concerns and illustrate them with case studies and aggregate data analysis. Four cases are examined in depth: the United States (how it accommodates rising powers through hierarchy); Russia (the influence of status concerns on its foreign policy); China (how Beijing signals its status aspirations); and India (which has long sought major power status). The authors analyse status from a variety of theoretical perspectives and tackle questions such as: how do states signal their status claims? How are such signals perceived by the leading states? Will these status concerns lead to conflict or is peaceful adjustment possible?"--

Aus jugoslawischer Sicht