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Early childhood is one of the most influential developmental life stages. Attainments at this stage will have implications for the quality of life children experience as they transition to adulthood. Children residing in remote Australia are exposed to socioeconomic disadvantage that can contribute to developmental delays and resultant poorer education and health outcomes. Complex contributing factors in far west New South Wales have resulted in children with speech and fine motor skill delays experiencing no to limited access to allied health services for a number of decades. More recently, growing awareness that no single policy, government agency, or program could effectively respond to these complexities or ensure appropriate allied health service access for children in these communities has led to the development of the Allied Health in Outback Schools Program, which has been operational since 2009. The program is underpinned by cross-sector partnerships and a shared aspirational aim to improve the developmental outcomes of children to enhance their later life opportunities. It was identified early that the initiative had the potential to deliver mutually beneficial outcomes for communities and participating partner organisations.Over the last five years the program has been the catalyst for partnership consolidation, expansion and diversification. The developmental evaluation approach to continuous program adaptation and refinement has provided valuable insights that have informed health and education policy and enabled the program to be responsive to changing community needs, emerging policy and funding reforms.This article explores the evolution of the program partnerships, their contribution to program success and longevity, and their capacity to respond to an emergent and dynamic environment. The authors propose that a community-centred and developmental approach to program innovation and implementation in remote locations is required. This is based on the premise that contemporary linear, logic-based policy development and funding allocations, with predetermined program deliverables and outcomes, are no longer capable of responding appropriately to the complexities experienced by remote communities.Keywords: allied health, remote communities, cross-sectoral partnerships, service learning

RETRACTEDIn this article the writer analyses the development peculiarities of the Tajik-Russian geopolitical relations during the establishment of Tajikistan foreign policy up to the commencement of multi-vector «open doors» policy in 2003-2004. Since the establishment of peace and stability in Tajikistan beginning from the year of 2000 the socio-economic development issues have been set as prior actions. To boost the economy, attraction of foreign investments, creation of new jobs and improvement of life standard of population were the issues to address. Political leaders of Tajikistan had no right to waste time making no headway. The country inevitably faced the issue of diversification of interstate and foreign economic relations, including outside the CIS. The article highlights that the foreign «open door» policy declared at the turn of2002-2003 implied mandatory modernization of the Tajik-Russian cooperation through strengthening its economic and human dimensions, adjusting the strategic partnership and alliance between the two states to the new global political realities. As to the geopolitical and military-political priorities, which Tajikistan had firmly adhered throughout the entire 1990th since its Independence, they actually remained unchanged even after 2002. The author points out the long-term Russian presence in the form of a large scale military base and military infrastructure on the territory of Tajikistan. The Republic is one of the most consistent, active and disciplined members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization. During the first decade of the XXI century the political leaders of Tajikistan had been receiving offers from foreign non CIS countries with regard to deployment of military facilities on a fee basis on the territory of Tajikistan which were not even considered by the Government. Thus, the multi-vector foreign policy of «open doors» has been reflected in diversification of the international relations of Tajikistan, in demonopolization of trade and economic priorities, in attraction of foreign investments and military-technical assistance from the third countries (other than CIS and CSTO countries) but completely preserving the geopolitical and military-political priorities established until 2002.

Indigenous women make up 3% of the Australian women's population but 35% of women in prison. They experience higher rates of mental health disorders, cognitive impairment, violence, homelessness and return to prison than their non-Indigenous counterparts. While programs aiming to divert vulnerable people from the criminal justice system have been introduced by the NSW Government in recent years, the numbers of Indigenous women in prison have continued to rise. Yet there is a dearth of research and evaluations that specifically consider the barriers to diversion for Indigenous women. This thesis examines the apparent dichotomy between the NSW Government's funding and evaluation of diversionary programs, and the steady increase in Indigenous women imprisoned. I develop a methodological framework drawing on critical Indigenous feminist theory, and engage with the ethics and challenges incumbent on me as a non-Indigenous researcher in this field. A triangulation of policy analysis, qualitative interviews and case studies is employed, with specific focus on three formally evaluated diversionary programs in operation between 2003 and 2015 which were potentially accessible by Indigenous women: an Indigenous circle sentencing court; a custodial program for women with a dual diagnosis; and a post-release program specifically designed for Indigenous women. Findings are considered in the light of critical literature on evaluation and diversion and key themes are extracted. The very premise of diversion for many Indigenous women is problematised. Evaluation of diversionary programs emerges as characterised for Indigenous women by limited deficit-focused measurement, paternalistic management and the ongoing marginalisation of their experiences and views. The success of diversionary programs appears primarily calculated by available statistics and narrow notions of performance accountability and risk management, which rarely reflect the distinct challenges facing Indigenous women. Despite these limitations, evaluation also presents possibilities for inserting the counter-narratives and agency of Indigenous women into policy processes that have systemically disadvantaged them. The role of evaluation in diversionary policy and programming is reconceptualised for Indigenous women. An alternative approach to evaluation is proposed that could provide more meaningful measures of impact and wellbeing, and better inform policy in this area.

The paper analyses the national and regional European maritime clusters according to the sea basin division proposed by the European Union Integrated Maritime Policy: Atlantic and Arctic oceans; Baltic, Black, Mediterranean and North seas. Besides the identification of all maritime sectors by country ? be it at national and/or regional level - a statistical database is established per each and every of the above referred sea basins, in order that a comparative analysis can be developed. Also in line with Wijnolst, Jensen & Sødal (2003) that propose a maritime sector benchmarking - the ?Global Maritime Benchmarking? ? which should allow evaluating the maritime clusters evolution and strength - the paper estimates nine indicators: structural indicators (no. of clusters, no. of companies; no. of employees; no. of sectors; technological level; location); economic indicators (Gross Added Value, production; productivity; profit and rentability rates), internationalization (exports and imports, major clients and suppliers, international average prices, EU and third countries markets shares); critical mass (agglomerations and scale economies by maritime sector) and leader firms; level playing-field (free-competition, monopolistic, oligopolistic markets); innovation (major universities and R&D centers, no. patents, regional innovation systems); institutional framework (governance, connection with regional and national governments)and business networks; labour market (unemployment rate, average wages) and education (major schools and courses by different grades, training centers); and image and communication. Particular attention is attributed to the Atlantic basin strategy - the largest of all the EU Integrated Maritime Policy Basins ? where besides the Blue growth concerns the authors, develop the result of a group of interviews to experts on Blue Geopolitics and Geostrategic. The above comparison between sea basins will allow characterizing ?maritime Europe?, identifying the location of the main excellence centres and the major beneficiaries of the Integrated Maritime Policy decisions. The paper also suggest public strategies that would support clusters development ? or ?cluster enablers? ? that include, among others, the definition of an industrial policy, strengthening of demand pull sectors or the promotion of innovation, R&D and leader firms. The needed conditions in order that Europe could organise itself has a ?vast continental maritime cluster? are also under scrutiny.

Nezaposlenost visokoobrazovanih osoba i njezino upravljanje izazovi su s kojima se ekonomski vođe, menadžeri i analitičari politika svakodnevno suočavaju. Stoga se traže teoretska objašnjenja koja bi služila kao smjernice za strategije upravljanja nezaposlenošću visokoobrazovanih osoba. Postoje dvije suprotstavljene teze kojima se objašnjava problem: nesrazmjer vještina i njezina prevelika ponuda. Međutim, zbog prividne jednostavnosti osnovnih načela i implikacija teze o nesrazmjeru vještina, mnoge vlade i laici upravo nju postavljaju kao razlog za nezaposlenost visokoobrazovanih osoba. Ovaj rad predlaže da rješenja za politike koja se isključivo temelje na tezi o nesrazmjeru vještina mogu dovesti do drugog oblika nezaposlenosti, a to je prevelika ponuda kvalificiranih visokoobrazovanih osoba. Nadalje, prevelika ponuda visokoobrazovanih osoba vjerojatniji je razlog nezaposlenosti visokoobrazovanih osoba od nesrazmjera vještina. Djelotvorna politika je stoga ona koja uzima u obzir intervencije kojima se stimulira potražnja za radnom snagom, dok se istovremeno upravlja ponudom kvalifi cirane radne snage. Takav pristup pruža održiva rješenja za nezaposlenost visokoobrazovanih osoba. Uz navedeno, daje se obris doprinosa psihologa u odnosu na upravljanje nezaposlenošću visokoobrazovanih osoba. ; Graduate unemployment and its management are challenges that leaders of the economy, managers and policy analysts grapple with on a daily basis. As a result, economic leaders and managers of economies have sought theoretical explanations to guide their management strategies of graduate unemployment. There are two competing theses to explain the problem: skills mismatch and skills oversupply. However, due to the seeming simplicity of basic tenets and policy implications of the skills mismatch thesis, many governments and laypersons have blamed graduate unemployment on it. This paper argues that policy solutions based entirely on skills mismatch may trigger another form of unemployment, oversupply of skilled graduates. Furthermore, oversupply of graduates is more likely to be the signifi cant cause of graduate unemployment than skills mismatch. An effective policy, therefore, is one that takes into account interventions to stimulate demand for labor while at the same time manages the supply of skilled labor. Such an approach will provide more sustainable solutions to graduate unemployment. In addition, the potential contributions of psychologists in the efforts towards the management of graduate unemployment are also outlined.

ABSTRACT : Levies are a source of potential revenue because of the scope of the imposition of levies broaderin appeal with the local tax. Similarly, according to Adisasmita R (2011) that the development levies easier than theimposition of local taxes considering the scope of the levies are not as strict as compared to local taxes. Therefore, localgovernments in order to develop PAD more focused on increasing acceptance levies.This study uses qualitative descriptive method. The informants were 20 people who were taken from berbegaielements of government officials, workers and public collectors / traders market. The main instrument in this study isthe researchers themselves are, while collecting data using interview techniques and assisted with the observationdanstudi dokmentasi. Data analysis was performed using descriptive-qualitative analysis interactive model of Miles andHubernann.Results of the study provides conclusions: (1) Management Levy Markets in North Halmahera is theresponsibility and authority of the Office of Perindakop and SMEs, and fully implemented by the trade sector as anelement of the implementation of the coordination of activities of the Department of Perindakop and SMEs which carryout the collection of the levy markets and market management system uses official assessment is based on RegionalRegulation No. 5 of 2007, namely ballot directly to the voting system uses valuable objects in the form of a ticket.From the above conclusion, the writer can give suggestions as follows 1) To increase the successfulimplementation of market tax policy, the Department Perindakop and SMEs in North Halmahera District madeadditional levy collection officer existing markets in order to bias a balance between the amount of workload and HR2) To enhance the successful implementation of market tax policy, then pemrintah in this case the DepartmentPerindakop and SMEs as market tax policy implementers should review the market that is not active and make efforts toimprove the quality of the market in order to attract traders to use the market as a trade so biased levy optimize marketacceptance.Keywords: Retribution Policy Implementation Markets in Supporting Local Revenue.

Early childhood is one of the most influential developmental life stages. Attainments at this stage will have implications for the quality of life children experience as they transition to adulthood. Children residing in remote Australia are exposed to socioeconomic disadvantage that can contribute to developmental delays and resultant poorer education and health outcomes. Complex contributing factors in far west New South Wales have resulted in children with speech and fine motor skill delays experiencing no to limited access to allied health services for a number of decades. More recently, growing awareness that no single policy, government agency, or program could effectively respond to these complexities or ensure appropriate allied health service access for children in these communities has led to the development of the Allied Health in Outback Schools Program, which has been operational since 2009. The program is underpinned by cross-sector partnerships and a shared aspirational aim to improve the developmental outcomes of children to enhance their later life opportunities. It was identified early that the initiative had the potential to deliver mutually beneficial outcomes for communities and participating partner organisations.Over the last five years the program has been the catalyst for partnership consolidation, expansion and diversification. The developmental evaluation approach to continuous program adaptation and refinement has provided valuable insights that have informed health and education policy and enabled the program to be responsive to changing community needs, emerging policy and funding reforms.This article explores the evolution of the program partnerships, their contribution to program success and longevity, and their capacity to respond to an emergent and dynamic environment. The authors propose that a community-centred and developmental approach to program innovation and implementation in remote locations is required. This is based on the premise that contemporary linear, logic-based policy development and funding allocations, with predetermined program deliverables and outcomes, are no longer capable of responding appropriately to the complexities experienced by remote communities.Keywords: allied health, remote communities, cross-sectoral partnerships, service learning

POLITICA HABITACIONAL E O CAPITAL PRIVADO EM PRESIDENTE PRUDENTE- SP Este artigo visa à discussão da implementação da habitação social em cidades médias, no Brasil, na década de 2000, refletindo na produção do espaço urbano. A ênfase encontra-se no papel do Poder Público local e sua articulação com a iniciativa privada para a produção de moradias de baixa renda. Discute a relação entre as políticas urbanas e habitacionais e a implantação de empreendimentos pela iniciativa privada, seus mecanismos e efeitos na produção do espaço urbano, tendo como estudo de caso empreendimentos financiados pelo Programa de Arrendamento Residencial (PAR) da Caixa Econômica Federal, na cidade de Presidente Prudente, localizadano oeste do Estado de São Paulo. No caso tratado, a política urbana com ausência de diretrizes claras para a política habitacional induz a uma atuação direta do capital privado, que contribui para a produção de espaços segregados e excludentes.Palavras-chave: política urbana, expansão urbana, segregação socioespacial, habitação de interesse social; programa de arrendamento residencial.HOUSING POLICY AND THE PRIVATE CAPITAL IN PRESIDENTE PRUDENTE-SPAbstract: This article seeks the discussion of the implementation of social housing in medium-sized cities in Brazil in the 2000s decade, reflecting in the production of urban space. The emphasis is on the role of Local Government and its relationship with private enterprise for the production of low-income housing. It discusses the relationship between the urban and housing policies and the enterprises implementation by private initiative, its mechanisms and effects on the production of urban space, taking as study case projects financed by the Residential Leasing Program (PAR) of Caixa Econômica Federal, in the city of Presidente Prudente, located in the west of Sao Paulo state.In the case dealt, the lack of urban policy with clear guidelines for housing policy leads to a direct action of private capital, which contributes to the production of exclusive and segregated spaces.Keywords: urban policy, urban expansion, sociospatial segregation, social interest housing, residential leasing program.

Abstract Background Wheelchairs for disabled children (≤18 years) can provide health, developmental and social benefits. World Health Organisation and United Kingdom Government reports demonstrate the need for improved access to wheelchairs both locally and internationally. The use of health economics within this field is lacking. Provision of wheelchairs based on cost-effectiveness evidence is not currently possible. We conducted the first systematic review in this field to incorporate evidence of effectiveness, service user perspectives, policy intentions and cost-effectiveness in order to develop a conceptual framework to inform future research and service development. Methods We used an adapted EPPI-Centre mixed-method systematic review design with narrative summary, thematic and narrative synthesis. 11 databases were searched. Studies were appraised for quality using one of seven appropriate tools. A conceptual framework was developed from synthesised evidence. Results 22 studies and 14 policies/guidelines were included. Powered wheelchairs appear to offer benefits in reduced need for caregiver assistance; improved communicative, personal-social and cognitive development; and improved mobility function and independent movement. From 14 months of age children can learn some degree of powered wheelchair driving competence. However, effectiveness evidence was limited and low quality. Children and parents placed emphasis on improving social skill and independence. Participation in wider society and development of meaningful relationships were key desired outcomes. Policy intentions and aspirations are in line with the perspectives of children and parents, although translation of policy recommendations into practice is lacking. Conclusions There is a distinct lack of high quality effectiveness and economic evidence in this field. Social and health needs should be seen as equally important when assessing the mobility needs of disabled children. Disabled children and parents placed highest priority on independence and psychosocial outcomes of wheelchair interventions. Translation of policy and guidelines into practice is lacking and more effective implementation strategies are required to improve services and outcomes. Future research should focus on outcome measure development, developing economic evaluation tools and incorporating these into high quality studies to address known research gaps. The novel conceptual framework maps current gaps in evidence and outlines areas for development.

A survey was conducted in 2005 to assess Sustainable Livestock Extension Service Delivery in Benue and Nasarawa States. The population of this study consisted of all livestock extension policy stakeholders, and due to the enormity of this population , a sample size of 220 respondents was selected using purposive, snowball and simple random sampling techniques. Data for this study were collected mainly from primary sources through the use of a well structured questionnaire. The collected data were analysed using descriptive statistics such as frequency distribution tables, and percentages , as well as inferential statistics such as Kruskal Wallis(H) test, Mann-Whitney(U)test and Ranked correlation coefficient(rho).It was found that there is a significant difference between Benue and Nasarawa States(U1=22.5.>0) in terms of the commonest species of Livestock kept and that there is a significant difference between Benue and Nasarawa States (H.cal.10.3>X2-Tab.7.81) in terms of sustainable livestock extension service delivery. Besides, it was found that funding of livestock extension service delivery has been unsustainable in Benue(R2=12.0) and Nasarawa(R4=12.5) States, and that majority of livestock farmers in Benue(72.7%) and Nasarawa(63.6%) States had been obtaining their sources of agricultural information from extension agents. Finally, there was a strong relationship(rho=0.9) between Benue and Nasarawa States in terms of implementation of key operational extension policy measures. It was recommended that cost sharing should be adopted by the three tiers of government ,commercial banks , oil and gas companies and the private sector in funding of our Unified Agricultural Extension System(UAES), development of the 141 grazing reserves earlier mapped out in the Northern parts of Nigeria and implementation of Sedentarisation livestock policy, and putting in place a sustainable policy framework akin to that of Tertiary Education Trust Fund(TETF) and the Smith Lever Act of May 8,1914 that established the Co-operative Extension Service(CES) in the USA, to ensure adequate funding of livestock extension service delivery in Nigeria in general and Benue and Nasarawa States in particular with a view to ensure sustainable livestock extension service delivery and transformation of agriculture in this country.

The question of why states maintain nuclear weapons typically receives short shrift: it's security, silly. The international is a perilous place, and nuclear weapons represent the ultimate self-help device. Other 'factors' like status and domestic interests provide the background music. This thesis seeks to unsettle this complacency by drawing on Foucault to reconceptualise nuclear weapon-armed states as nuclear regimes of truth, refocusing on the processes through which governments produce and maintain country-specific discourses that enable their continued possession of nuclear weapons. Building on Derrida's observation that nuclear weapons are a "fabulously textual" phenomenon, this thesis argues that because nuclear weapons are represented to work by not being used (deterrence) their utility depends on hypotheticals, and therefore remains transcendental. Consequently, maintaining a nuclear regime of truth requires considerable discursive imagination and labour to constitute the benefits of possessing nuclear weapons—whether that be status, security or both at the same time. To investigate these nuclear regimes of truth, this thesis critiques and modifies Lene Hansen's Foreign Policy/Identity Nexus: developing a more flexible Weberian conception of legitimacy, theorizing how Hansen's degrees of otherness can illuminate status seeking, borrowing from nukespeak and Lakoff to theorize policy representations, and adding desirability to the goal of policy makers. Using the UK nuclear weapons policy between 1980 and 2010 as an exploratory case study, this thesis provides practical insights beyond the grasp of conventional approaches to nuclear weapons research. From how Thatcher's reification of the nuclear peace correlation contributes to a 21st disarmament-taboo in UK politics, to how the end of the Cold War saw the UK replace its Security legitimacy with a new Non-Proliferation Treaty-based Prefect legitimacy that divests ethical responsibility for the world's nuclear weapons problem through the performance of a counting bombs narrative, this thesis historicizes and deconstructs the many moving parts of the UK's 21st century nuclear common sense. Ultimately, this thesis provides the theoretical legwork for future empirical investigations into other nuclear regimes of truth. ; M-IR

Abstract Background Politics plays a critical role in agenda setting in health affairs; therefore, understanding the priorities of the political agenda in health is very important. The political priority for safe motherhood has been investigated at the national level in different countries. The objective of this study was to explore why and how maternal health became a political priority at sub-national level in the state of Madhya Pradesh in India. Methods This study followed a qualitative design. Data were collected by carrying out interviews and review of documents. Semi-structured interviews were carried out with twenty respondents from four stakeholder groups: government officials, development partners, civil society and academics. Data analysis was performed using thematic analysis. The analysis was guided by Kingdon's multiple streams model. Results The emergence of maternal health as a political priority in Madhya Pradesh was the result of convergence in the developments in different streams: the development of problem definition, policy generation and political change. The factors which influenced this process were: emerging evidence of the high magnitude of maternal mortality, civil society's positioning of maternal mortality as a human rights violation, increasing media coverage, supportive policy environment and launch of the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM), the availability of effective policy solutions, India's aspiration of global leadership, international influence, maternal mortality becoming a hot debate topic and political transition at the national and state levels. Most of these factors first became important at national level which then cascaded to the state level. Currently, there is a supportive policy environment in the state for maternal health backed by greater political will and increased resources. However, malnutrition and population stabilization are the competing priorities which may push maternal health off the agenda. Conclusions The influence of the events and factors evolving from international and national levels significantly contributed to the development of maternal health as a priority in Madhya Pradesh. This led to several opportunities in terms of policies, guidelines and programmes for improving maternal health. These efforts were successful to some extent in improving maternal health in the state but several implementation challenges still require special attention.

Health insurance expenditures on drug refunds in 2004-2012Drug expenditures in each country account for a large share in total health expenditures. Hence experts, media and societies are becoming very interested in the drug policy in their country, where one of the important components is reimbursement/refund policy. Good governance in the drug sector means not only taking up allocation, redistribution and stabilization tasks that belong to the government, but also taking into consideration differences in interests of different stakeholders on the drug market. If it is disregarded, even ideal theoretical solutions will not work in market reality. This article presents and comments basic facts on development of universal health insurance expenditures on drug refund in the last 13 years in Poland, especially in 2012 after implementation of the new bill on refund policy. This law led to a dramatic decrease in drug refund cost share in total expenditures of the National Health Fund (Narodowy Fundusz Zdrowia, NFZ) from 15% in 2011 to 11.2% in 2012. Still the share of drug refund has already had a decreasing tendency in NFZ expenditures starting from 2005. Available data contradict suspicions that savings on drug refunds in NFZ has led to an increase in patients' health expenditures on prescription drugs. Costs of substitutive full-price drugs (equivalents for refunded ones) bought by Polish patients in 2012 increased only by 650 mln PLN, while NFZ's refund expenditures decreased by almost 2 billion PLN, and patients' copayment in the case of refunded drugs dropped by one billion PLN. However, drug consumption was reduced. Conducted analysis also showed a systematic, and positive for patients, growth in the share of almost fully refunded drugs – drugs with low fixed copayments (from 49% in 2004 to almost 65% in 2012) and lower 30% patients' copayment in NFZ refunds. Which in fact is in contradiction with the common opinion that NFZ is running a policy of shifting more drug costs on patients. What is concerning are regional discrepancies (between regional – voievodship branches) in refund expenditures per insured person (the difference between the highest and lowest is 49 PLN – 28%).

Existing legal scholarship about constitutional war powers focuses overwhelmingly on the President's power to initiate military operations abroad and the extent to which that power is constrained by Congress. It ignores the allocation of legal power to threaten military force or war, even though threats – to coerce or deter enemies and to reassure allies – is one of the most important ways in which the United States government wields its military might. This paper fills that scholarly void, and draws on recent political science and historical scholarship to construct a richer and more accurate account of the modern presidency's powers to shape American security policy and strategy. As a descriptive matter, the swelling scope of the president's practice in wielding threatened force largely tracks the standard historical narrative of war powers shifting from Congress to the President. Indeed, adding threats of force to that story might suggest that this shift in powers of war and peace has been even more dramatic than usually supposed, at least in terms of how formal congressional checks are exercised. This paper shows, however, that congressional checks and influence – even if not formal legislative powers – operate more robustly and in different ways to shape strategic decision-making than usually supposed in legal debates about war powers, and that these checks and influence can enhance the potency of threatened force. As a prescriptive matter, this paper also shows that examination of threatened force and the credibility requirements for its effectiveness calls into question many orthodoxies of the policy advantages and risks attendant to various allocations of legal war powers, including the existing one and proposed reforms. Instead of proposing a policy-optimal solution, this paper concludes that the allocation of constitutional war powers is – and should be – geo-politically and strategically contingent; the actual and effective balance between presidential and congressional powers over war and peace in practice necessarily depends on fundamental assumptions and shifting policy choices about how best to secure U.S. interests against potential threats.

The Indonesia Government has commitments to organize inclusive education, that is to give the widest chance and access to all children including children with special needs to receive good quality of education dan appropriate to the need of student individual without discrimination. But on the reality, there are still lot of school-aged children with special needs haven't got chance to receive education yet. This conditions are caused by many barriers including the social conditions of the civilizations. Another barriers come from schools who organize inclusive education still unable to organize inclusive education optimally. So that these inclusive education organizer isn't yet unable to well developed at present. This research aims to analyze the implementation of inclusive education policy in Galuh Handayani School Surabaya and analyze factors that affect the implementation of inclusive education in creating quality of education in Galuh Handayani School Surabaya. This research focuses are, to observe the behavior of implementor from City Education Office and implementor school institution in socializing inclusive education policy, to observe the execution of working program from teachers in learning process in Galuh Handayani inclusive school Surabaya, to observe execution of inclusive education learning process and to observe execution of evaluation and inclusive education management monitoring. Qualitative descriptive is used to analyze datas. This research results show: first, that implementation of inclusive education in Galuh Handayani isn't optimal or well performed yet. That can be reflected from indications like: (1) not all teachers able to perform inclusive education well, (2) not all parents understand knowledges about inclusive education. Second, factors that affect the success or failure of inclusive education policy implementation are communication factor: that is socialization only held two encounters in one semester. Resources factor include: not all teachers have ability and understanding about inclusive education and fund limitation to develop inclusive education. Disposition factors include: not all teachers have good attitude and behavior in performing their tasks and functions. Also bureaucracy structure factors from implementor: well rated because they perform their tasks based on operational standard and their organization structure is lean.Keywords: Policy Implementation and Inclusive Education