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A distinctive trend developed in 19th and 20th century Europe, which saw the universalisation of principles of state political systems. This tendency expressed itself in proclaiming in the constitutions of individual states and in the practical application by European democracies of the political principles inspired by the ideas of the Enlightenment. Over a period of over two centuries, the constitutions of many countries developed with a similar catalogue of principles of government, in a similar legal form. These principles express the same ideas and political values and aim at developing an identical model of government structure based on liberal-democratic ideals. It is characteristic that during the last decade of the 20th century there was a sudden increase in this tendency and the spreading of those principles to over twenty countries.

Political‐administrative relations became an issue once politicians and administrators came to be considered as distinct actors in the public realm. This happened in the late eighteenth century, and several authors since then explored the nature of this relationship in normative and/or juridical terms. But it took almost two centuries before it became an object of systematic empirical study in a comparative perspective: Aberbach, Putnam, and Rockman (APR 1981). The APR study was the first to use survey methods and to advance empirically based theory. In this article we discuss the intellectual attention for this topic since the early nineteenth century, APR's findings and impact and—given APR's influence upon methods—some intriguing problems with the framework that they developed. Finally we list some potential new avenues of research.

Political-administrative relations became an issue once politicians and administrators came to be considered as distinct actors in the public realm. This happened in the late eighteenth century, and several authors since then explored the nature of this relationship in normative and/or juridical terms. But it took almost two centuries before it became an object of systematic empirical study in a comparative perspective: Aberbach, Putnam, and Rockman (APR 1981). The APR study was the first to use survey methods and to advance empirically based theory. In this article we discuss the intellectual attention for this topic since the early nineteenth century, APR's findings and impact and-given APR's influence upon methods-some intriguing problems with the framework that they developed. Finally we list some potential new avenues of research. Adapted from the source document.

The image of the soldier, his role in state and society and also the understanding of his profession have always been subject to a continuous, partly aggravating process of change. In the last two centuries it occurred mostly gradually and developed over a loqger period of time. In the recent past, however, we have witnessed a tremendously fast progressing process of change in the wake of a phenomenon which we call "globalization". For large portions of the population globalization offers excellent opportunities for an improvement of their quality and standard of life. It promotes the economic development, expedites technological advance and raises worldwide prosperity. Today, the globalization affects nearly all areas of life. Its implications are ubiquitous and increasingly noticeable in everyday life -also and especially for the soldier. (Europäische Sicherheit / SWP)

Over the last two centuries or so sovereignty has proved to be an enigmatic institution, at once constant & changing. Presently, it faces sustained & diffuse siege. Relatively few studies have approached this enigmatic institution from a semantic angle. This paper assesses the meaning of sovereignty within a framework of competing logics as it faces up to a key normative challenge -- human rights -- bringing together the apparently conflicting norms of non-intervention & intervention against a background of discourse analysis. From "Westphalia" to the current logics of action & normative theory, the discussion places the institution of sovereignty against current, intra-disciplinary factors as an addition to the literature that serves to underscore how a fundamentally re-imagined concept is required, in theory & practice, to account for & promote humanitarian needs. Adapted from the source document.

After a useful beginning in the eighteenth-century Enlightenment as both an experimental and analytic social science, criminology sank into two centuries of torpor. Its resurrection in the late twentieth century crime wave successfully returned criminology to the forefront of discovering useful, if not always used, facts about prevailing crime patterns and responses to crime. Criminology's failures of "use" in creating justice more enlightened by knowledge of its effects is linked to the still limited usefulness of criminology, which lacks a comprehensive body of evidence to guide sanctioning decisions. Yet that knowledge is rapidly growing, with experimental (as distinct from analytic) criminology now more prominent than at any time since Henry Fielding founded criminology while inventing the police. The future of criminology may thus soon resemble medicine more than economics.

This article traces the metamorphoses of Norwegian reformism during the last two centuries. In the Norwegian system, the shifting political regimes have to a remarkable extent been accompanied by shifting knowledge discourses. Regardless of whether its ideological dress was liberalism or socialism, a central feature of Norwegian reformism has been its basis in different versions of social science: it has been a scientific reformism. The legal knowledge regime of the civil servants' state was towards the end of the 19th century replaced by a democratic-pedagogical knowledge regime. When the Labour Party gained control of the political centre in 1945, it did so in coalition with the new economists. Following the demise of the Labour Party state in the 1980s, some features of a new knowledge regime have become visible.

The article explores the ways in which discourses of pleasure are deployed strategically in official commentaries on drug and alcohol consumption. Pleasure as a warrantable motive for, or descriptor of, drug and alcohol consumption appears to be silenced the more that consumption appears problematic for liberal government. Tracing examples of this from the 18th century to the present, it is argued that discourses of 'pleasure' are linked to discourses of reason and freedom, so that problematic drug consumption appears both without reason (for example 'bestial') and unfree (for example 'compulsive'), and thus not as 'pleasant'. In turn, changes in this articulation of pleasure, drugs and freedom can be linked with shifts in the major forms taken by liberal governance in the past two centuries, as these constitute freedom differently.

Refutes the arguments that support fractional-reserve, or free, banking, showing that they are based on fallacious economic principles. Fractional-reserve banking is examined through illustrating the impact of product differentiation on market processes. The conditions under which fractional-reserve banking may be legitimate free-market activity are analyzed, but the analysis illustrates that the product differentiation argument is flawed. Since market participants generally do not distinguish between money titles & fractional-reserve IOUs, the fractional-reserve IOUs tend to dominate the market. As the monetary system becomes a fractional-reserve system, it becomes vulnerable to recurrent liquidity crises, or business cycles. There is evidence that major monetary institutions over the past two centuries have intentionally suppressed product differentiation, even through fraud & coercion. 52 References. L. A. Hoffman

Family structures and family law have been moving in the same direction all over the world over the past two centuries. Although general agreement exists that these changes have something to do with industrialization and with the ensuing transformation of the material basis of individual subsistence, it is nearly impossible to disentangle cause and effect in this process of the simultaneous revolution of economic and family structures. The transition from a society in which status and the family constitute the basis of social security to a society in which survival and success are based on merit has led to a disintegration of the family. But a society cannot go on functioning well unless it protects its inept, and hence the disintegration of the family is a threat to social cohesion itself.