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In the last decades, the specific role of women in international relations has received more attention and feminist theories have gained ground in the intellectual debate, which has contributed to a general sensitization towards the incorporation of the analysis of the gender category in the discipline of international relations. In fact, one of the characteristic features of the discipline of international relations had been the invisibility of gender structures that impact men and women differently. However, with the emergence of the so-called "third debate", a new opportunity was opened to think about the international from more critical and inclusive perspectives. The impact of feminist studies took place in the late 1980s with a special publication on gender in Millennium: Journal of International Studies. Of great relevance at present are the theories produced outside of the hegemonic centers and that question both the classical theories and the Western gender system for covering up an ethnocentric project. Indeed, post-decolonial theorists aim to destabilize hegemonic discourses about a supposedly universal experience of women. In this sense, the main objective of this article is to carry out a bibliographic review on the main feminist schools, as well as to systematize the plurality of feminist theories and practices that have taken place in the course of international studies. In this way, after a brief introduction on the emergence of feminist approaches in the discipline, this study analyzes the contributions of the main feminist schools: liberal feminism, standpoint feminism, constructivist feminism, postmodernist feminism, postcolonial feminism, decolonial feminism, queer theory, and the focus on masculinities. Through the examination of these different feminist theoretical currents, their impact on the discipline of international relations will be analyzed, showing the epistemological, methodological and ontological changes present in the different schools. Feminist theories in international relations must therefore be approached in a multidimensional way, in the sense of recognizing the differences and common elements regarding the experiences of women, men and sexual dissidents from different latitudes. In this sense, the possibility of renewal in international relations occurred with the crisis of the realist paradigm after the end of the Cold War. In this context, there was the emergence of numerous studies that began to incorporate feminist lenses in their analyses. With the new critical perspectives - which focused their examinations on non-state and sub-state agents when criticizing state-centeredness in the discipline -, women were conceived as possible agents of transformation of their environment both locally and internationally. These criticisms implied a new dimension for incorporating issues of "low politics", an area in which the majority of women would be placed. In this context, feminist theories were gaining more and more relevance in the intellectual debate of the discipline and some authors began to criticize more strongly the dominant theories, given their markedly sexist bias. In the late 1980s, Ann Tickner stated that "international politics is a man's world" and, more forcefully, questioned, in light of feminist lenses, the six realist pillars of Hans Morgenthau. Morgenthau and other theorists sought to overturn the idea that "gender has nothing to do with international processes and events" (Zalewski, 1997, p. 342). Thus, realist theorists insisted on the defense of objectivity and neutrality in international relations, and in terms of gender argued that on the one hand, the topics covered equally affect men and women and, on the other hand, international relations refers to an autonomous sphere of reality. In recent years, we find few authors who support this vision, although the absence of studies with gender analysis in the discipline is salient. Of great relevance today are the theories produced outside the hegemonic centers and that question both the classical theories and the Western gender system for covering up an ethnocentric project that omits multiple hierarchies of power and that marginalizes and dismisses the agency of women who are outside the "center". Indeed, post-decolonial theorists aim to destabilize hegemonic discourses, both in international relations and in feminist studies. The contributions of feminism are one of the most important innovations in international relations, although, admittedly, it was "one of the last bastions to succumb to feminist research" (Byron and Thorburn, 1998, p. 211). Feminist literature has denounced the supposed objectivity of the classical paradigms of the discipline, especially realism, as well as the androcentrism that emerges from traditional analyses. For realists, the State is conceived as "an orderly, peaceful sphere that acts rationally in function of the national interest, representing the whole of society". However, some authors consider that this analysis is based on the "functions performed by men as the basis of political identity" (Rodríguez Manzano, 2001, p. 261) and, therefore, masculine characteristics "are projected onto the behavior of States" (Tickner, 1992, 6). The image of a State as a mirror of rational man is supported by the conceptual universe that surrounds it, such as the struggle for power, the search for peace, or sovereignty, which reinforces the idea that political activity is dominated by males. But this man is not just anybody, and the idea of ??the State is built in the image and likeness of the ideal archetype of a western white man. Hence follows another complaint made by many feminists: their ethnocentric bias. In the gender system, masculine identity rests on the necessary repression of the aspects considered feminine and, within this logic, colonized men are feminized: they are beings destitute of rationality, they need the tutelage of the white man for their "development". The other, the foreigner, and the different are constructed as irrational, unpredictable, qualities considered feminine in the western gender system. On the other hand, white women assume that they are the ones who invite other women to participate in feminist politics. They are conceived as the pioneers in this emancipatory process. Women in the Global South have denounced these discourses by pointing out that differences between women lead to differences of privilege, exclusion and power. In this sense, a woman's point of view does not guarantee a reciprocal relationship with the Other, but rather can exercise a hierarchical relationship by not considering the different female subjectivities. Therefore, they argue that feminist theory must include the experiences of all women through the intersection of gender, class, race, sexuality, political order, place of enunciation, etc. It is thus important to note that feminist theories are not monolithic and are characterized by their plurality. While some scholars have preferred to analyze international phenomena in a more traditional way, showing how women have played an important role in international politics -whether in "high politics" or in a subordinate position-, others have dedicated themselves to denaturalizing the concept of universal woman (that is, Euro-white women), pointing out other problems, such as race, class or sexuality from an intersectional vision. Many, however, start from an initial guiding question: where are women in international relations? Parallel to this question and the incorporation of women as a variable in the discipline - a variable that is especially important for liberal and radical feminists - the category of gender is consecrated as the most relevant contribution. ; En las últimas décadas, el rol específico de las mujeres en las relaciones internacionales ha recibido más atención y las teorías feministas han ganado terreno en el debate intelectual, lo que ha contribuido a una sensibilización general hacia la incorporación del análisis de la categoría de género en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales. De hecho, uno de los rasgos característicos de la disciplina había sido la invisibilización de las estructuras de género que impactan a hombres y mujeres de forma distinta. Sin embargo, con la irrupción del llamado "cuarto debate" se abrió una nueva oportunidad para pensar lo internacional desde miradas más críticas e inclusivas. El impacto de los estudios feministas tuvo lugar a finales de la década de 1980 con una publicación especial sobre género en la revista académica Millennium: Journal of International Studies. De gran relevancia en la actualidad son las teorías producidas fuera de los centros hegemónicos y que cuestionan tanto las teorías clásicas como el sistema de género occidental por encubrir un proyecto etnocéntrico. En efecto, las teóricas post y decoloniales pretenden desestabilizar los discursos hegemónicos sobre una supuesta experiencia universal de las mujeres. En este sentido, el objetivo central del presente artículo es realizar una revisión bibliográfica sobre las principales escuelas feministas, así como sistematizar la pluralidad de teorías y de prácticas feministas que han tenido lugar en el devenir de los estudios internacionales. De esta forma, tras una breve introducción sobre el surgimiento de los enfoques feministas en la disciplina, el presente estudio realiza un análisis de las aportaciones de las principales escuelas feministas: el feminismo liberal, el feminismo del punto de vista, el feminismo constructivista, el feminismo posmodernista, el feminismo postcolonial, el feminismo decolonial, la teoría queer y el enfoque sobre las masculinidades. A través del examen de estas diferentes corrientes teóricas, se analizará su impacto en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales, evidenciando los cambios epistemológicos, metodológicos y ontológicos presentes en las diferentes escuelas. Las teorías feministas en las Relaciones Internacionales deben ser abordadas, pues, de manera multidimensional, en el sentido de reconocer las diferencias y elementos comunes respecto a las experiencias de las mujeres, hombres y disidentes sexuales desde diferentes latitudes.

Neoliberal policies alter development funding, practice, and actors. One effect of this is an increase in untrained individuals from the Global North who travel to the Global South to take action against perceived needs. This paper examines international development volunteerism (IDV) in Antigua, Guatemala. Scholars have documented the problematic nature of both volunteers and development projects; yet the relationships between actors are under theorized. I examine the development encounter: a space where people from the Global North and South meet briefly through development work. This space enables an examination of transnational actors who experience divergent impacts of neoliberal restructuring, and of unnoticed activities that could be indicators for social change. I ask: can development encounters shift perspectives to open the possibilities for social change? Through qualitative research, I show that everyday encounters in IDV can both open and close possibilities to catalyze social change. I make three contributions. First, I address a gap through an analysis of everyday relationships of multiple actors in development. Second, I propose that the development encounter is a productive space to examine changes between transnational actors. Development encounters in IDV projects are both a continuation of problematic development interventions in the Global South and also a space to examine the potential to eventually build solidarities across difference and distance. Lastly, I extended Bayat's (2010) theories on social nonmovements to actors from the Global North and Global South to argue that their everyday actions are quiet encroachments in global street politics, or the silent actions of noncollective actors to generate change. I argue that development encounters can open possibilities to make a difference for people because strangers meet through projects; and also, it closes possibilities because it makes a difference between people since it is a commodified space with inequalities of power and wealth.

Since the Syrian conflict broke out, a significant number of Western citizens travelled to the warzone to join the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). By common definitions, some of the persons travelled as 'children'. However, since the defeat of ISIS, Western countries are facing a conundrum on how to treat these young former fighters. The status of these children has been contentious. Among the Western countries, there does not seem to be a clear position or consistent approach on how such children should be treated. It would appear that the approaches towards the dilemma on these young persons have, predominantly, been dictated by the political whims of individual states. Generally, the children have been regarded as young 'terrorists' likely to pose danger to Western societies if repatriated back. However, the perceptions and actions towards these minors seem to depart from the normative approaches to children associated with armed conflict. The widely reported case of British teenager Shamima Begum shone the spotlight on the predicaments of children formerly associated with ISIS. This article makes a case for the treatment of ISIS-associated children to be considered as child soldiers. When analysed closely, these children deserve protections accorded to all children recruited for purposes of warfare. Recent case law seems to imply that such protection does not cease even after the age of 18 years. All considered, the denial of repatriation appears inimical to normative standards on children associated with armed conflict. Furthermore, the approaches of some of the Western countries could be vulnerable to criticism for violation of the rule of law. The arbitrary revocation of citizenship and barring of returns appear starkly in conflict with norms of natural justice. With this in mind, this article asserts that a consistent approach would require the Western approaches to treat ISIS-associated children as victims first and accord them protections recognised in international law.

2017 dissertation for Master of Law in International Business Law. Selected by academic staff as a good example of a masters level dissertation. Since the occurrence of history's biggest data leak known as Panama Papers, more focus has been placed upon offshore dealings and tax havens. With no clear definition on what tax haven is, this research will be exploring the usage of tax haven internationally whilst paying particular attention to the United Kingdom, it's perspectives and approaches. The first chapter will be covering the definition of tax haven, clarifying the difference between tax avoidance and evasion whilst discussing what it entails in certain countries and the consequences for the people in those countries. In the second chapter there'll be arguments against the available legal instruments in various countries directed at tax havens. Focus will be placed on the OECD and it's criteria in categorising countries as tax havens. The question to be answered is whether or not the criteria's are fair? Following on will be the United Kingdom's approach to tax haven, its considerably weak legislations on tax haven and the issues it posses. All this will be addressed in relation to ways in which the UK is already considered to be a tax haven country and the negative impacts of it. References will be made to the upcoming Brexit which will see UK through some drastic changes and the points to be drawn out in relation to Brexit is the effect it may have on UK being a tax haven. Many issues are raised in this paper, with the majority stemming from the OECD and its lack of attitude to being more stern on tax abuse. The result concludes that OECD's criteria are indeed weak and unjust. As for the UK, it remains debatable whether or not the country is already a tax haven. Many would agree that it is in practice, whilst OECD suggests otherwise.

In the article are considered the origin of marriage diplomacy, which began from Kievan Rus', when international agreements and unions refreshed by dynastic copulas. Interdynastic marriages of Rus dukes were the prime examples of political and cultural orientation of Kievan Rus' of that epoch. Attention is paid to the changes of character of marriage diplomacy in the middle ages of Polish Crow, activity of which was determined by interests of military-landowning magnates. Therefore it was mainly headed for the settlement of disputes between the separate landowners, who on the whole defended the right to conduct «private wars», in the period between which conducted «private marriage negotiations». The important attribute of interdynastic marriage diplomacy were nobility coats of arms. Were analyzed source materials, which serve to the certificate of interdynastic marriage diplomacy of Herburts, that during two hundred fifty years period of staying in the Rus', resulted in the bring together of family with the most mighty genus of Polish Crown and Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.Key words: Kievan Rus'; middle ages Polish Crown; interdynastic marriage diplomacy; nobility coats of arms; visits of politeness; kind services; dynastic marriages. ; Розглянуто зародження шлюбної дипломатії, початки якої сягають часів Київської Русі, коли міжнародні договори та союзи підкріплювали династичні зв'язки. Міждинастійні шлюби руських князів – яскравий приклад політичної та культурної орієнтації Київської Русі. Акцентовано увагу на зміні характеру шлюбної дипломатії у середньовічній Короні Польській, діяльність якої визначали інтереси військово-землевласницьких магнатів. Тому шлюбна дипломатія, переважно, була спрямована на врегулювання суперечок між окремими землевласниками, які загалом обстоювали своє право на «приватні війни», в період між якими вели «приватні шлюбні переговори». Важливим атрибутом міжродової шлюбної дипломатії були шляхетські герби. Проаналізовано джерельні матеріали, що слугують свідченням міжродової шлюбної дипломатії Гербуртів, яка за двохсотп'ятдесятирічний період їхнього перебування на Русі призвела до споріднення роду з наймогутнішими родами Корони Польської та Речі Посполитої.Ключові слова: Київська Русь; середньовічна Корона Польська; міжродова шлюбна дипломатія; шляхетські герби; візити ввічливості; добрі послуги; династичні шлюби.

El artículo analiza la evolución del humanitarismo desde su versión más clásica. Se estudian los elementos que ordenan el régimen internacional de la acción humanitaria y cómo este se transforma en la década de los noventa, entra en crisis conmocionado por diversos factores al final de la Guerra Fría y en el contacto con otros regímenes en expansión. La esfera política y humanitaria convergen en lo que se ha venido a denominar el "nuevo humanitarismo", dando lugar a un cambio de régimen que se mantiene y radicaliza después del 11-S con la creciente vinculación entre ayuda y seguridad. Partiendo de ahí, se plantea que esta transformación ha ido acompañada de una construcción evolutiva de la imagen de las comunidades receptoras de ayuda que, de víctimas pasivas de los conflictos, han pasado a ser consideradas como agentes activos, con capacidad de transformación socioeconómica y de construcción de paz liberal o de desestabilización ; This article analyses the evolution of humanitarianism from its classical version. The elements which are studied are those that shape the international regime of humanitarian action, and how it was transformed in the nineties. How it came in crisis shocked by several factors at the end of the Cold War, and because of the contact with another growing regimes. Political and humanitarian spheres converged in the so called "new humanitarianism", which motivated a change of regime which is maintained and radicalized after September the 11th, with the closer tie between aid and security. Starting from here, it is posed that this transformation has been accompanied with the evolution of the construction of the image of the communities that receive the help. From being considered passive victims of the conflicts, up to being seen as active agents, with capacity of socioeconomic transformation, and liberal peace construction; or destabilization.

Thanks to the transfer of technology from Brazil, Angola is entering the sucroalcooleiro sector with multiple aims. These include creating jobs in rural areas, diversifying the energy mix and boosting exports. Angola is one of the countries that has envisioned international technology transfer as a strategy to increase participation in the global market, while decreasing its dependence on sugar imports. While the production of ethanol and sugar can bring about some benefits, technology transfer in this area is not without risks. It needs to be carefully crafted and executed, especially in accordance with the principles of sustainable development, which is by the government plan of Angola to include, rather than exclude, the rural poor. This study shows that stakeholders presented different opinions in relation to Biocom and sustainable development. The main reason is linked to the distinction between global, national and local levels. On the global level, ITT and Biocom are seen as alternative renewable sources of energy (ethanol) to fossil fuels, on the local level there is a concern with the socio-environmental issues which local communities might face, indeed ITT and Biocom are perceived as a risk in case locals lose their lands and do not receive compensation. On the national level, while there is the expectancy of employment, infrastructure development and attraction of investments in the country, there is a lack of trust in governance by Angolan civil society; which argues that Angolan government and enterprises do not encourage public participation nor allows it to happen. Technology transfer is perceived as a business and geopolitical strategy driven by private and state interests, undermining environmental and social costs. On the other hand technology transfer is seen as a key to foster economic opportunities towards sustainable development.

Best-estimate thermal-hydraulic system codes are widely used to perform safety and licensing analyses of nuclear power plants and also used in the design of advance reactors. Evaluation of the capabilities and the performance of these codes can be accomplished by comparing the code predictions with measured experimental data obtained on different test facilities. OECD/NEA Committee on the Safety of Nuclear Installations (CSNI) has promoted, over the last twenty-nine years, some forty-eight international standard problems (ISPs). These ISPs were performed in different fields as in-vessel thermal-hydraulic behaviour, fuel behaviour under accident conditions, fission product release and transport, core/concrete interactions, hydrogen distribution and mixing, containment thermal-hydraulic behaviour. 80% of these ISPs were related to the working domain of principal working group no.2 on coolant system behaviour (PWG2) and were one of the major PWG2 activities for many years. A global review and synthesis on the contribution that ISPs have made to address nuclear reactor safety issues was initiated by CSNI-PWG2 and an overview on the subject of small break LOCA ISPs is given in this paper based on a report prepared by a writing group. In addition, the relevance of small break LOCA in a PWR with relation to nuclear reactor safety and the reorientation of the reactor safety program after TMI-2 accident are shortly summarized. The experiments in four integral test facilities, LOBI, SPES, BETHSY, ROSA IV/LSTF and the recorded data during a steam generator tube rupture transient in the DOEL-2 PWR (Belgium) were the basis of the five small break LOCA related ISP exercises, which deal with the phenomenon typical of small break LOCAs in Western design PWRs. Some lessons learned from these small break LOCA ISPs are identified in relation to code deficiencies and capabilities, progress in the code capabilities, possibility of scaling, and various additional aspects. ISPs are providing unique material and benefits for some safety-related issues.