Suchergebnisse

In 2016, Beyoncé's Lemonade premiered during a time of high political, social, and radical tension. Knowles creates an album that is not just about her, but also exhibits pride in blackness while revealing her vulnerability. Beyoncé exposed issues surrounding not only her relationship to her husband but also the African American community. Viewing Lemonade through the lens of Delores S. Williams's definition of Womanist testimony regarding the struggles of identity and survival, it is possible to trace this message retroactively through biblical times. Religious tools like The Curse of Ham caused a generational trauma within the African American commu-nity that created a brokenness that continues to resonate. Beyoncé exhibits religious allegories and themes through Womanist Theology by confronting the brokenness of her relationship in Lemonade. This includes the process of forgiving her husband's infidelity and preserving her family unit.

Shorn of a coherent theoretical basis for the party's socialism, some of the Labour Party's policies become emblematic of the party's worldview. While Labour's commitment to public ownership has long been considered in this way, comprehension of how the party's 'nostalgia' or 'traditions' affect the party's trajectory could be aided by a better understanding of why certain policies become so deeply rooted. This article contributes to the existing literature on this topic in two ways. First, in expanding upon Henry Drucker's concept of ethos, it seeks to establish a framework for understanding why some policies become tantamount to faith in the Labour Party. Second, using this frame, it analyses how Kinnock successfully changed a symbolic policy, working within and through Labour's ethos. This article explores policy characteristics that combine to make a policy emblematic of Labour's ideology: a strong socialist heritage; a stark contrast with the Conservative opposition; an adhesive quality which can bind Labour people together and relevance to internal factionalism. As the current Labour leadership consolidates its power, this article also suggests that, while long-dormant, policies such as unilateralism retain their potency and may once again form a part of Labour's platform.

Vor zehn Jahren, am 21. Mai 1998, musste Suharto die politische Bühne Indonesiens verlassen. Während der Suharto-Ära wurden frauenspezifische Themen an den Rand der öffentlichen und politischen Debatte verbannt.

Ein burmesisches Sprichwort neueren Datums besagt, dass das burmesische Fernsehen nur zwei Farben kennt — grün und gelb, wobei grün für die Uniformen der Generäle steht und gelb für die buddhistischen Mönchsroben. Nichts charakterisiert den Zusammenhang zwischen der zunehmenden öffentlichen Präsenz der Generäle und der Manipulation des Buddhismus für politische Zwecke besser als dieser Ausspruch.

The secular interpretation of Kant is widespread and Kant is viewed as the most prestigious founding father of liberal secularism. At the same time, however, commentators note that Kant's position on secularism is in fact much more complex, and some go as far as to talk about an ambiguous secularism in his work. This paper defends a refined version of the secular interpretation. According to this refined version, Kant can offer a limited, political secularism on the basis of a simple argument which focuses on the distinct epistemic statuses of political and religious claims; however, the paper argues, a more general secularism is unwarranted on the basis of the same argument. If my argument is correct, then it will account at least in part for the plurality of interpretations. Moreover, any further attempt to show that Kant's relation to secularism is ambiguous or dismissive should take into consideration the argument from epistemic grounds presented here

Während ihrer Anhörung vor dem International People Tribunal (IPT) in Den Haag im November 2015 betonte Saskia Wieringa die Bemühungen des Orde-Baru-Regimes von Präsident Suharto, die Kommunistische Partei Indonesiens (Partai Komu- nis Indonesia, PKI) als atheistisch und damit als Bedrohung für die indonesische Identität darzustellen. Diese direkte Verbindung hatte in den ers- ten Jahren nach der Unabhängigkeit nicht bestan- den. Nicht-Gläubige waren zwar an den Rand der Gesellschaft gedrängt worden, ohne aber als Bedrohung für die indonesische Nation wahrgenommen zu werden. Die These, die indonesische Identität sei nicht nur grundsätzlich theïstisch, sondern könne auch Nicht-Gläubige nicht akzeptieren, entstand als Produkt bestimmter politischer Diskurse nach 1965 und lebt in der Rechtspraxis bis heute fort.