Suchergebnisse

En este artículo se analiza la estructura, los niveles de concentración y la dinámica del sector servicios de la Zona Metropolitana de la Ciudad de México (ZMCM) de 1960 a 1998, siguiendo las etapas de auge, crisis y recuperación relativa de la economía nacional. Se parte de la hipótesis de que la ZMCM tenderá a especializarse en los servicios al productor, pues éstos se localizan preferentemente en las grandes metrópolis, tal como acontece en las ciudades globales de los países desarrollados. Se utiliza la información de los censos económicos de comercio y servicios de 1960, 1970, 1980, 1988, 1993 y 1998, que capta datos de los negocios privados. Las estadísticas censales se sometieron a una rigurosa metodología para hacerlas comparables por grupos de actividades terciarias entre los diferentes censos, además de que se ajustaron con las cuentas nacionales. Se considera que los resultados obtenidos constituyen una nueva base de datos que refleja adecuadamente el nivel real de la concentración espacial y la dinámica de crecimiento de las actividades terciarias en México. AbstractThis article analyzes the structure, levels of concentration and dynamics of the service sector in the Mexico City Metropolitan Zone (MCMZ) from 1960 to 1998, tracing the rise, crisis and relative recovery of the national economy. The author begins with the hypothesis that the MCMZ will tend to specialize in services for producers, since the latter are usually located in metropolises, as happens in major cities in developed countries. The author uses information from the economic censuses on trade and services from 1960, 1970, 1980, 1988, 1993 and 1998, which includes data on private businesses. The statistics from these censuses were subjected to a rigorous methodology to make the groups of tertiary activities comparable within the various censuses, and were also adjusted with the National Accounts. The results obtained constitute a new data base that accurately reflects the actual level of spatial concentration and the dynamics of the growth of tertiary activities in Mexico.

Analyzes the importance of charismatic authority in traditional societies, especially during the so-called watershed times. Max Weber was the first sociologist to explore the concept of charisma & charismatic authority within the context of legitimate political authority. Charisma is a quality of a person because of which they are deemed exceptional & due to which their followers consider them possessed of some rare supernatural & superhuman powers or traits. Such a person is thought of as God-given or laudable & is consequently looked up to as a leader. The author points to the link between stigma & charisma in the study by the German sociologist Wolfgang Lipp. Using his insights as the starting point, the author tries to illustrate his thesis by means of Tudman's case. How do stigma & charisma under certain historical circumstances merge in one person, enhancing the final impact on certain historical movements? In every society in watershed periods, when one political paradigm replaces another, when people get confused, stigma & charisma may be the focal points of a new fulcrum, a new identity. Under such circumstances, one must delineate both the outer & the inner boundaries between "these" & "those," "us" & "them." These boundaries (ethnic, confessional, & national) are time & again confirmed through glorifying the leader & ostracizing "the undesirables." In wartime, the emotional component is particularly pronounced. The bulk of the population identifies with the charismatic paragon. In such a context, it is a point of pride to be, for example, a Croat. However, this is only perfunctory, a mere ideology for the ignorant & manipulated populace. Under the surface, however, economic/political battles are raging, struggle for the redistribution of power by means of, among other things, getting rid of the competition by ethnic labeling. When stigma becomes a "lethal weapon" of a political movement, the consequences are unpredictable. Both stigma & charisma not infrequently end up in monstrosities. The events on the territory of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s are an obvious example. 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author maintains that there is a tendency to consider Europe as a bureaucratic entity working withinits own spheres rather than a political body. It is then argued that any close observation of the putting intoeffect of a precise directive such as Seveso 1 (and then 2) will reveal a great deal of diversity as between themember nations of the EEC. A nice study of the case of France here using to this a precise example in all itsproper detail is used to show just how the Seveso directive no sooner was it admitted into French Legislationunderwent a manner of Gallic transplanting to thus avoid any harm to or commotion within the historyand habitual practices of that nation. This taking into custom is shown to be in line with similar reactionsto the directive observed in Holland where yet again a nation with a long tradition of battling the elementsmade the directive one of her own. The author thus feels free to speak of the social rather that the flatlyadministrative character behind the drawing up directives like these and the part to be played by theterritory in question when it comes to their being put into effect. ; Cuando se oye comúnmente hablar de Europa se podría creer que se habla de una entidad burocráticamás que política con funcionamiento totalmente autónomo. Ahora bien, cuando se observa concretamenteel modo de aplicación de una directiva precisa, en este caso la Directiva Seveso 1 (luego 2), seadvierte una importante diversidad en los diferentes países de la Comunidad. El estudio del caso francés, através de un ejemplo preciso y voluntariamente detallado, muestra el modo en cómo la directiva Seveso, tanpronto como se incorporó a la legislación francesa, ha vivido un proceso de arraigo sin una profunda rupturacon la historia y las prácticas del país. Hemos observado que la misma directiva, aplicada en otros países,como Holanda, ha conocido un proceso diverso de implementación. Así podemos mostrar cómo el caráctersocial y local, más que el estrictamente administrativo y europeo, influye en la elaboración de talesdirectivas.

AbstractThe article takes its point of departure in administrative law and good governance as possible avenues for increased implementation of rights, including human rights. The author discusses the role that pre-modern East Asian ideas on governance and pre-modern administrative law and institutions for monitoring the executive's use of power may play for the substance and focus of the reforms of administrative law that have been undertaken in the late 20th century in the People's Republic of China (PRC) and in Vietnam. The article discusses the possible influence of ideas and institutions inspired by Confucianism and the School of Legalism, including such features as a meritocratic civil service, institutions for monitoring the executive and for dealing with complaints, instrumental use of law, and use of rewards, punishments and instruction to achieve the aims of the law. The author compares the prevalence of the features of pre-modern China and Vietnam with elements in legislation and institutions implemented under the late 20th century reform processes in the PRC and Vietnam. The article concludes that the legacy of the pre-modern system of administrative law and governance and related institutions appears to play a role in the modern reform process that is more than accidental, and that this legacy results in a relatively strong emphasis on a principle of legality in the legislation implemented under the reforms and in a relatively weaker emphasis on the principle of equality. The article suggests that features of the premodern legacy, especially the emphasis on exercise of executive power in accordance with law, may be explored as providing potential for contributing to an increased quality of public administration and an increased implementation of rule of law and specific rights, including human rights and rights of relevance to trade and investment. It is also suggested that these features of the pre-modern system may be explored by the development community and international organizations as potential for creating ownership and sustainability of governance and law reforms that are of interest to external partners of the PRC and Vietnam.

Analyzes the importance of charismatic authority in traditional societies, especially during the so-called watershed times. Max Weber was the first sociologist to explore the concept of charisma & charismatic authority within the context of legitimate political authority. Charisma is a quality of a person because of which they are deemed exceptional & due to which their followers consider them possessed of some rare supernatural & superhuman powers or traits. Such a person is thought of as God-given or laudable & is consequently looked up to as a leader. The author points to the link between stigma & charisma in the study by the German sociologist Wolfgang Lipp. Using his insights as the starting point, the author tries to illustrate his thesis by means of Tudman's case. How do stigma & charisma under certain historical circumstances merge in one person, enhancing the final impact on certain historical movements? In every society in watershed periods, when one political paradigm replaces another, when people get confused, stigma & charisma may be the focal points of a new fulcrum, a new identity. Under such circumstances, one must delineate both the outer & the inner boundaries between "these" & "those," "us" & "them." These boundaries (ethnic, confessional, & national) are time & again confirmed through glorifying the leader & ostracizing "the undesirables." In wartime, the emotional component is particularly pronounced. The bulk of the population identifies with the charismatic paragon. In such a context, it is a point of pride to be, for example, a Croat. However, this is only perfunctory, a mere ideology for the ignorant & manipulated populace. Under the surface, however, economic/political battles are raging, struggle for the redistribution of power by means of, among other things, getting rid of the competition by ethnic labeling. When stigma becomes a "lethal weapon" of a political movement, the consequences are unpredictable. Both stigma & charisma not infrequently end up in monstrosities. The events on the territory of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s are an obvious example. 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

In De concordantia catholica, Nicholas of Cusa develops two seemingly contradictory views of government. In book I, he derives all power from an upper source and builds up a monarchic conception of the Church and the State. Differently, in books II and III he stresses the dependence of government on the consent of subjects, which makes of him a pioneer of democratic formulations of government. The author of the article shows that Nicholas of Cusa (1) frames these two seemingly contradictory views within a broader theologic-christologic thesis. This thesis holds that all government must derive from both humane and divine sources, which allows the author to conclude that (2) Nicholas's singular statements on the radical freedom of man (naturally a gift of God) and on the limitations –to be exerted by control commissions– of both ecclesiastical and temporal powers set the ground for the development of a democratic thought founded on human rights. ; En el De concordantia catholica, Nicolás de Cusa desarrolla dos lecturas aparentemente contradictorias del gobierno. En el libro I deriva todo el poder desde una fuente superior y construye una concepción monárquica de la Iglesia y el Estado. Y, de manera diferente, en los libros II y III subraya la dependencia del gobierno frente al consenso de sus súbditos, lo que lo convierte en un pionero de las formulaciones democráticas de gobierno. El autor de este artículo muestra que Nicolás de Cusa (1) enmarca estas dos lecturas aparentemente contradictorias dentro de una tesis más amplio de índole teológico-cristológico. Esta tesis sostiene que todo gobierno debe derivar tanto de fuentes divinas como humanas. Esta le permite concluir al autor que (2) Nicolás presenta singulares planteos respecto a la libertad radical del hombre (naturalmente, siendo esta un regalo de Dios) y respecto a las limitaciones –debe ser ejercida bajo comisiones de control– de los poderes tanto eclesiástico como temporal, que se instituyen como base teórica para el desarrollo de un pensamiento democrático basado en los derechos humanos.

This thesis study focuses on the corporate taxation reform preparations within the internal market of the EU. The author tries to determine the scope of corporate taxation and the current condition within the EU and its Member States. It focuses on the EU Commission activities regarding the subject and especially the solution approaches available. While inspecting the approaches, the author especially takes 'comprehensive solutions'; Home State Taxation, Common (Consolidated) Base, EU Company Income Tax and Single Compulsory Harmonized Tax Base, under magnifying glass and tries to eliminate by comparison, which one of these systems would be favored by EU in the near future. EU Commission papers, reports and the Commission's Conference on Company Taxation along with many articles, reports and books of the individuals and other related private, official or non-governmental institutions are used for this analysis. The thesis concludes that the corporate taxation reform is required within the EU and will be realized soon according to the Lisbon principles of the EU Council and also finger points the best comprehensive method available. ÖZBu tez çalışması AB nezdinde kurumlar vergisi alanında yürütülen reform hazırlıkları üzerinde durmaktadır. Yazar, kurumlar vergisi kavramının kapsamı üzerinde durmakta ve günümüzde mevcut AB ve AB üyesi ülkelerdeki kurumlar vergisi uygulamalarını incelemektedir. Bu amaçla AB Komisyonunun konuya ilişkin yapmış olduğu çalışmalar ele alınmakta ve özellikle mevcut çözüm önerileri üzerinde durulmaktadır. Çözüm önerileri incelemeye alındığında da özellikle geniş kapsamlı bir anlamda 'köktenci' olarak nitelenen: Merkez Ülke Vergilendirilmesi, Genel Bütünleştirilmiş Vergi Tabanı, AB Kurumlar Vergisi ve Tek Zorunlu Uyumlaştırılmış Vergi Tabanı sistemleri mercek altına alınarak bunlardan hangisinin AB tarafından yakın gelecekte tercih edilebileceği, karşılaştırmalı bir çalışma ile ortaya konulmaya çalışılmaktadır. Bu analizlerin yapılmasında özel, resmi kurumlar ve sivil toplum kuruluşları ile bireylerin ortaya koydukları bir çok makale, rapor ve kitapların yanısıra, AB Komisyonunun hazırladığı çalışmalar, raporlar ve AB Komisyonunun Kurumlar Vergisi Konferansında sunulan belge ve alınan notlar kullanılmıştır. Sonuç olarak bu tez AB nezdinde bir kurumlar vergisi reformunun gerekliliğini ve bu reformların yakın gelecekte AB Konseyi Lizbon prensipleri ışığında gerçekleştirileceğini ortaya koymakta ve köktenci çözümler arasından en uygun olanına işaret etmektedir.

In De concordantia catholica, Nicholas of Cusa develops two seemingly contradictory views of government. In book I, he derives all power from an upper source and builds up a monarchic conception of the Church and the State. Differently, in books II and III he stresses the dependence of government on the consent of subjects, which makes of him a pioneer of democratic formulations of government. The author of the article shows that Nicholas of Cusa (1) frames these two seemingly contradictory views within a broader theologic-christologic thesis. This thesis holds that all government must derive from both humane and divine sources, which allows the author to conclude that (2) Nicholas's singular statements on the radical freedom of man (naturally a gift of God) and on the limitations –to be exerted by control commissions– of both ecclesiastical and temporal powers set the ground for the development of a democratic thought founded on human rights. ; En el De concordantia catholica, Nicolás de Cusa desarrolla dos lecturas aparentemente contradictorias del gobierno. En el libro I deriva todo el poder desde una fuente superior y construye una concepción monárquica de la Iglesia y el Estado. Y, de manera diferente, en los libros II y III subraya la dependencia del gobierno frente al consenso de sus súbditos, lo que lo convierte en un pionero de las formulaciones democráticas de gobierno. El autor de este artículo muestra que Nicolás de Cusa (1) enmarca estas dos lecturas aparentemente contradictorias dentro de una tesis más amplio de índole teológico-cristológico. Esta tesis sostiene que todo gobierno debe derivar tanto de fuentes divinas como humanas. Esta le permite concluir al autor que (2) Nicolás presenta singulares planteos respecto a la libertad radical del hombre (naturalmente, siendo esta un regalo de Dios) y respecto a las limitaciones –debe ser ejercida bajo comisiones de control– de los poderes tanto eclesiástico como temporal, que se instituyen como base teórica para el desarrollo de un pensamiento democrático basado en los derechos humanos.

In this paper, the author discusses contradictions in the contemporary process of globalization related to its current proponents (participants). The first part of the papers tries to solve the enigma of the key participants and social forces shaping the globalization, so it discusses the tree rival theories: the theory of classes, oligarchy and elite of power. The author chooses the third theory of the global elite of power. Its theoretical foundations range from classic theories of elite (Pareto Mosca, Weber) to Mill's famous elite of power. However, the trans-national elite of power is an entirely new social entity. The global elite of power is firmly established in the economic sphere, in the ownership and management of global means of production and capital, and in the use of global labor force. It is characterized by a highly articulated status culture or "class consciousness" - the cosmopolitan "Davos-culture". It represents more a network of groups than one monolithic entity, so it should be discussed synthetically. The second part analyses a collective portrait of the global elite of power in which the outstanding place is occupied by the owners and top managers of trans-national corporations and banks (whose capital highly surpasses the wealth of many countries in the world) together with them, there is the political elite (the leaders of the G-7 Group and the rulers of the trans-national organizations like MMF, World Bank, Security Council of the UN,NATO). The intellectual elite, like "The Trilateral Committee" or "Economic Forum" occupies a less conspicuous, but not insignificant place. The third part discuses the current role of the dominant (authoritarian) wing of the global elite of power, and the fourth points to the alternative possibilities and potential participants in the democratization of the global world order. The concluding, fifth part points to the historical situation in which the democratic alternative although necessary, is almost powerless. Due to the un-intended consequences of the activities of the global elite of power, future of the world society is quite uncertain.

The article explores models of socialisation and gender identity at different stages of life-course
and in different historical periods. Considerations are based on biographical approach and use data
of the biographical contest "Story of My Life".
During the process of socialisation gender identity is institutionally transmitted to individuals as a
pattem of social behaviour. Gender identity embodies its own ideology and strategies of interpersonal interactions, where personal biography is a narrative about these interactions shaped by gender. Socialisation evolves as a constant interaction between author and his/her social milieu shaping identity of a person. Each member of society is involved in the process, but their age and in some respect the historical circumstances differently sets their status of a subject or an object of socialisation.
Time (in this case a time period when individual was born and was more intensively engaged in socialisation) is a feature of modern bio graphy (a concept of V. Kavolis) and it allows to identify different worldviews of narrating individuals. Time demarcates traditional and modern worldviews and deterrnines reflexivity of the author. Nevertheless, analysing the collected biographies it is hard to differentiate pure traditional or pure modern ones. To be more precise, the features of modern biographies are usually incorporated into traditional-epic narratives of life stories. On the one hand the relationship of traditional/modem can be understood as a constituent of the narrative, on the other hand it is a representation of the modern worldview in reflexive narration. The traditional framework of narrative contains definite models of gender identities. Traditional duality differentiation of gender roles and structure of patriarchal opposition - is presented as social reality in biographical narratives. The differentiation is imperative and is a warrant of social order and gender identity. But several narratives about the self neglect such manifest differentiation of gender roles. Main distinction of feminine or masculine biographies is based on different perception of self-estimation and social integration.

El autor responde a las acusaciones de etnicismo y relativismo posmoderno vertidas contra él por Juan Aranzadi en su libro El escudo de Arquíloco. El caso paradigmático es el debate en torno a los mapas genéticos que Cavalli- Sforza aplica a los vascos: el autor reproduce sus opiniones irónicas y de completo escepticismo sobre tales mapas genéticos expresadas en un texto de dos páginas, y las contrasta con la obvia tergiversación fraudulenta de Aranzadi que utiliza ese texto como base de su argumentación del "etnismo recalcitrante" del autor durante varios cientos de páginas. El artículo examina las inversiones paródicas del texto hiperbólico de Aranzadi que, de forma confesional y dando giros de 180 grados a experiencias pasadas, contrapone cristianismo y anticristianismo, vasquismo y antivasquismo, democracia y antidemocracia, para reproducir el mismo esquema antagónico de purismos solipsistas y autoexcluyentes. La ironía final es que el mordaz crítico del Milenarismo y de la Edad de Oro vascas termina invocando la huida de la modernidad y el retorno a la sociedad de los cazadoresrecolectores. ; The author replies to the accusations of ethnicity and postmodern relativism directed against him by Juan Aranzadi in his book El escudo de Arquíloco. The debate regarding Cavalli-Sforza's genetic maps as applied to the Basques is a paradigmatic case: the author reproduces his skeptical views regarding such maps as expressed in one of his texts and opposes them to the patently fraudulent misrepresentation made by Aranzadi of such text to argue for hundred of pages about the author's "recalcitrant etnicism." The paper examines the parodic inversions of Aranzadi's text which, in a confessional fashion and turning around 180 degrees from previous life experiences, opposes Christianity and anti-Christianity, democracy and anti-democracy, pro-Basques and anti-Basques world views, but always reproducing the same antagonistic scheme of solipsistic and excluding essences. The final irony is that the acerbic critic of Basque Millennialism and Golden Age ends up calling for an escape from modernity and for a return to the society of hunters and gatherers.

SUMMARY:
In his article Eduard Ponarin examines contemporary Russian nationalism as it emerged after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the former Soviet Republics, including the Russian Federation, and suggests possible scenarios for its development. The author starts with a thesis of retarded development of Russian national identity, which was due to the underdevelopment of the Russian empire (viewed from the perspective of modernist theory of nationalism) and the supranational project of the Soviet nation in the USSR. He notes that in the post Soviet period Russians faced the crisis of national identification, which was addressed by numerous concerted efforts to construct the Russian national identity. He contends that historical legacy plays only a part in this process. More importantly, the author argues, the effects of globalization, the process of resettlement of those who identified themselves as Russians from the former Soviet republics to the Russian Federation, and the legacy of Soviet ethnofederalism contribute to the development of contemporary Russian nationalism. Out of these three factors globalization is the main determinant of Russian nationalism, for the latter is primarily a product of activity of intellectual and political elite, which is exposed to the globalized environment and suffers from the loss of social and political status during the current period of transition. Ponarin observes that ressentiment nationalism of the elite has gradually spread across the political spectrum in the 1990s and, though being fixed and shared in its anti-Western part by all self pronounced Russian nationalist, it is still open to different scenarios of development. He argues that post-Soviet Russia could follow the path of nation-state building or it could pursue the imperial tradition. Assessing possible consequences of either of the ways and a combined one (when a modern ethnic project would incorporate the imperial tradition of differentiating the population on the basis of religion), Ponarin evokes the comparative dimension, which includes the cases of Yugoslavia, the French and British empires, and modern Turkey.

It is an important result of economic theory that integration might alter the allocation of resources within a country as well as between countries. Moreover, there are theory-based arguments suggesting that border regions might have an advantage in attracting resources due to their specific location in the center of the integration area. In this paper author have highlighted the continued empirical importance of national borders, even within the EU, which exhibits a much higher degree of economic integration than has been achieved at the global level. Perhaps even more surprising is that capital flows show distinctly similar patterns, a bias towards investment in the home market. In fact it would appear that these two phenomena are closely linked. Thus, whilst globalization has had profound effects on economic actors there is little to suggest that the traditional role for governments in OECD countries in providing social welfare and in regulating the domestic market economy are being undermined. If these borders to international commerce are impervious to further policy initiatives, or if their removal would reduce welfare by, for example undermining individual preferences, then the frictionless world foreseen by some where national administrations become largely impotent in affecting domestic economic outcomes is unlikely to occur. Thus, future discussions concerning global governance will take place between sovereign states that retain substantial discretion in economic policy making in an environment of considerable differences in economic and political power. The author have noted, however, that this situation is apparent for the industrialized countries. In developing countries the situation may be very different. The range of policies that is available in OECD countries is not accessible to many developing countries. In addition the social and business networks and the nature of consumer preferences, which have evolved over many years in OECD countries, and which are key elements in differentiating national from international markets, are not developed to the same extent or take forms which may be inconsistent with and undermined by the increasing use of the market mechanism.

This article deals with the formation of collective identities in the early period of the Austrian Second Republic. Questioning the process of community building mostly tends to separate identities at the national level from those at the regional or local levels. However, the case of identity politics in a rural community shows that national identities are socially and culturally constructed in close relation with regional or local identities. Between 1945 and 1960 different imaginations of national communities are represented by the organizers and participants of local festive events: ,Austria, as a pedagogical norm, as a political-ideological key term, as a local metaphor. These social and cultural constructions are embedded both in conditions at the macro-level, namely the economic and political rebuilding of Austria after the Second World War, and conditions at the micro-level, namely identity politics by village elites. The author argues that the formation of Austrian imagined communities after 1945 is based not only on temporal but also on spatial processes of identification and differentiation. ; This article deals with the formation of collective identities in the early period of the Austrian Second Republic. Questioning the process of community building mostly tends to separate identities at the national level from those at the regional or local levels. However, the case of identity politics in a rural community shows that national identities are socially and culturally constructed in close relation with regional or local identities. Between 1945 and 1960 different imaginations of national communities are represented by the organizers and participants of local festive events: ,Austria, as a pedagogical norm, as a political-ideological key term, as a local metaphor. These social and cultural constructions are embedded both in conditions at the macro-level, namely the economic and political rebuilding of Austria after the Second World War, and conditions at the micro-level, namely identity politics by village elites. The author argues that the formation of Austrian imagined communities after 1945 is based not only on temporal but also on spatial processes of identification and differentiation.