Suchergebnisse

Esta frase totalizante del autor podría ser un título alternativo al actual de este libro porque condensa todo su pensamiento acerca de uno de los fenómenos más trascendentes para el ser humano producido por el ce- rebro, el lenguaje, y su consecuencia social lógica, la comunicación. Lo digo porque este libro representa una pesquisa y una reflexión acuciosas de Juan José Trillos en busca del santo grial del lenguaje, desde tiempo in- memorial hasta la contemporaneidad, desde el diálogo entre los elementos inorgánicos que dieron origen a la vida orgánica, es decir, a los seres vivos, hasta el lenguaje de las Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación (TIC), pasando por el lenguaje del homo politikon. Y rematando con la filosofía de la comunicación. Es un repaso por la historia de la Humanidad a través de la evolución de los seres vivos, incluidos los humanos, en concomitancia con el desarrollo del lenguaje, o viceversa, a partir de la pregunta de quien fue primero entre el hombre y el lenguaje. La respuesta está en la evolución, afirma el autor. ; This totalizing sentence of the author could be an alternative title to the current one of this book because it condenses all his thought about one of the most transcendent phenomena for the human being produced by the brain, the language, and its logical social consequence, the communication . I say this because this book represents a diligent search and reflection of Juan José Trillos in search of the holy grail of language, from time immemorial to contemporaneity, from the dialogue between the inorganic elements that gave rise to organic life, that is, , to living beings, to the language of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT), passing through the language of homo politikon. And finishing off with the philosophy of communication. It is a review of the history of Humanity through the evolution of living beings, including humans, in concomitance with the development of language, or vice versa, based on the question of who was first between man and language. The answer lies in evolution, says the author.

This dissertation reads David Foster Wallace's literary output against the complicated history of identity politics and multiculturalism in America. Wallace's career coincides with the institutionalisation of second-wave feminism in the 1980s (including at his own university, Amherst College), the turn towards multicultural education and alternative literary canons in the 1990s, and the rising tide of nationalism and right-wing patriotism after 9/11. I depart from the universalist, ahistorical, post-racial framework of traditional Wallace scholarship to consider the literary and rhetorical strategies that Wallace employs as he tries to make a name for himself and remain relevant in a time of rapid social change, shifting reader demand, and growing hostility towards the elite postmodernist style in which he was trained. I argue that Wallace's fiction is marked not so much by an effort to adapt the writing to be more multicultural, race-conscious, feminist, and so on, but rather by an effort to signal that the author is aware of multiculturalism, feminism, and race matters, and that he is on the winning side of the ongoing culture war. Looking at The Broom of the System, I highlight the negotiation that takes place in the book between Wallace's desire to appear as the erudite and masterful postmodernist, versed in the tenets of metafiction and poststructuralism, and his desire to appear as the sensitive white male, attuned to an increasingly politicised female readership. In Infinite Jest, I examine Wallace's attempt to almost "out-traumatise" black women's writing of the 1990s by delivering a sprawling anthology of white hardship and anguish (grounded mainly in upper-middle-class experience). In The Pale King and Wallace's other post-9/11 writing, I show how the author wraps his unmistakably conservative vision of America and American masculinity in socially liberal, progressive-sounding discourse. The postscript offers a brief reflection on the significance of Wallace's work in the age of a Donald Trump presidency, and suggests that Wallace, had he lived to witness the 2016 election, might not have been as unequivocal in his rejection of Trump as his admirers might assume.

Il saggio si interroga sul declino delle commissioni parlamentari quale sedi di mediazione politica tra i partiti e luogo essenziale per la c ostruzione del compromesso parlamentare. Attraverso l'analisi delle prassi parlamentari delle ultime legislature l'autore individua nel modello di programmazione dei lavori delle Camere, impostosi a partire dalla fine del secolo scorso, e nel crescente abuso della decretazione d'urgenza, le due principali cause della compressione dell'istruttoria legislativa in commissione e della migrazione in ambito governativo delle mediazioni e dei compromessi politici tra i partiti. Infine, il saggio si sofferma sul ruolo della discussione pubblica quale principio fondamentale del parlamentarismo e strumento di legittimazione politica del compromesso parlamentare. Sulla base di queste riflessioni l'autore affronta il problema della opacità dei lavori delle commissioni in sede referente e dell'assenza di pubblicità dei lavori della Conferenza dei Presidenti di Gruppo e di altri organi essenziali per lo svolgimento del procedimento legislativo. ; The essay analyses the decline of the Italian Parliamentary Committees as the venue to mediate among political parties and to build par- liamentary compromise. The author investigates parliamentary practices in the last Parliamentary Terms, analysing the current "programme of business"model and its consequences on Committee work. The essay suggests that the shortening of the preliminary legislative activities within the Committees and the shift to the Government of the activities of mediation and compromise between political parties are mainly due to the approach utilized (since the end of the last century) to program works within the Houses and to the increasing utilization of "urgent" legislative measures by decree. The author then focuses on the role of public debate, considered as one of the pillars of modern parliamentarism and a fundamental instrument to legitimize political compromise. The final considerations explore the role of lack of public awareness of the works of the Committees and of the Conference of Parliamentary Groups Leaders, as well of other parliamentary bodies, crucial for the progress of legislative process.

A computational predictive tool for assessing patient-specific corneal tissue properties is developed. This predictive tool considers as input variables the corneal central thickness (CCT), the intraocular pressure (IOP), and the maximum deformation amplitude of the corneal apex (U) when subjected to a non-contact tonometry test. The proposed methodology consists of two main steps. First, an extensive dataset is generated using Monte Carlo (MC) simulations based on finite element models with patient-specific geometric features that simulate the non-contact tonometry test. The cornea is assumed to be an anisotropic tissue to reproduce the experimentally observed mechanical behavior. A clinical database of 130 patients (53 healthy, 63 keratoconic and 14 post-LASIK surgery) is used to generate a dataset of more than 9000 cases by permuting the material properties. The second step consists of constructing predictive models for the material parameters of the constitutive model as a function of the input variables. Four different approximations are explored: quadratic response surface (QRS) approximation, multiple layer perceptron (MLP), support vector regressor (SVR), and K-nn search. The models are validated against data from five real patients. The material properties obtained with the predicted models lead to a simulated corneal displacement that is within 10% error of the measured value in the worst case scenario of a patient with very advanced keratoconus disease. These results demonstrate the potential and soundness of the proposed methodology. ; The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union's Seven Framework Program managed by REA Research Executive agency http://ec.europa.eu/research/rea (FP7/2007–2013) under Grant Agreement FP7-SME-2013 606634, the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness under the Grant Agreement DPI2014-54981R, the Government of Aragón (predoctoral contract of the author), the Ibercaja-CAI mobility program (mobility funding for research stay of the author) and the Swiss Federal Department of Economic Affairs, Education and Research (Federal Commission for Scholarships for Foreign Students).

This article explores the major approaches to the study of conflict resolution strategy from a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives. It argues that conflict resolution strategy, as a civil integration resource, is a necessary tool for overcoming deep-rooted ethnic conflicts in the unstable North Caucasus. This research pursues the goal of analyzing how the strength of civil integration can affect conflict resolution and peacebuilding. The author considers the essential factors of protracted ethnic conflicts and emphasizes the destabilizing role of the repoliticization of ethnicity in a crisis society. The concept of ethnic, "identity-based" conflicts is the heuristic theoretical model of exploring causes for increased ethnoreligious tensions in the North Caucasus. This article focuses on the ability of conflict resolution strategy to de-escalate growing tensions and transform protracted identity-based conflicts. The need to stimulate civil integration is caused by moral and structural causes: from the ethical point of view, the creation of an inclusive society is the fundamental societal goal; structural factors are related to the need to reduce inequalities and differences leading to social fragmentation and an escalation of ethnic conflicts. Among the structural conditions of regional conflicts, the author names ethnosocial inequalities, a civil identity crisis, ethnopolitical neo-authoritarianism, large-scale socioeconomic polarization and an "ideological combat" between secular modernization and religious fundamentalism. While discussing conflict resolution strategies, it is necessary to consider the following: 1) Peace and integration within the North Caucasus is a macropolitical project, the content of which is determined by issues of social cohesion and civil solidarity; 2) The development of the North Caucasus after the end of armed ethnic conflicts shows the inadmissibility of political demodernization, fundamentalism and isolationism. Today, the North Caucasus remains a crucially geopolitical macroregion, as it forms the southern volatile frontier of Russia. In this case, conflict resolution strategy must serve as an integrational and preventive tool on the conflict environment by way of providing structural solutions for deep-rooted cultural antagonisms, transforming and rationalizing ethnoregional contradictions.

Abstract.Maintenance of child welfare cannot be carried out by the child itself, because in essence children cannot protect themselves from various types of actions that cause mental, physical, social harm in various fields of life and livelihood.So that opportunities, maintenance and efforts to eliminate these obstacles will only can be done and obtained if the child welfare effort is guaranteed. Therefore, children must be helped by others in protecting themselves. Thus, the author would like to discuss more about the concept of child protection in Indonesia, Malaysia, Egypt and Qatar, and the position of the Convention on the Rights of the Child for the legislation of the State. The research method that the author is doing is qualitative research with a normative approach and comparative methods of law. The data collection techniques were carried out with a literature review sourced from the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Child Protection Act in Indonesia, Malaysia, Egypt and Qatar.Keywords: Convention on the Rights of the Child, Protection of the Rights of the Child, Muslim Countries Abstrak.Pemeliharaan kesejahteraan anak belum dapat dilaksanakan oleh anak itu sendiri, karena pada hakikatnya anak tidak dapat melindungi diri sendiri dari berbagai macam tindak yang menimbulkan kerugian mental, fisik, sosial dalam berbagai bidang kehidupan dan penghidupan, sehingga kesempatan, pemeliharaan dan usaha menghilangkan rintangan tersebut hanya akan dapat dilakukan dan diperoleh bilamana usaha kesejahteraan anak terjamin. Oleh karena itu, anak harus dibantu oleh orang lain dalam melindungi dirinya. Dengan demikian, penulis ingin membahas lebih lanjut tentang konsep perlindungan anak di Negara Indonesia, Malaysia, Mesir dan Qatar,serta kedudukan Konvensi Hak Anak bagi perundang-undangan Negara tersebut. Metode penelitian yang penulis lakukan adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan normatif serta metode perbandingan hukum. Adapun teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan kajian kepustakaan yang bersumber dari Konvensi Hak Anak dan Undang-Undang Perlindungan Anak di Negara Indonesia Malaysia, Mesir dan Qatar.Kata Kunci: Konvensi Hak Anak, Perlindungan Hak Anak, Negara Muslim

This study, written by JPR Associate Fellow Professor Lars Dencik and his co-author, Karl Morosi, explores the character of antisemitism in contemporary Europe. It presents some perspectives on the development of three distinct types of antisemitism, which, the authors argue, are empirically different from each other. Their findings indicate that each type is based on a particular underlying philosophy, is held by sociologically distinct groups of people, and is manifested in different ways. The report, entitled Different Antisemitisms: Perceptions and experiences of antisemitism among Jews in Sweden and across Europe, is based on data which were originally gathered and analysed by a team of JPR researchers in 2012, as part of a major study commissioned by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA). The general findings from that study were published in a landmark report in 2013, but have been analysed afresh in this follow-up study, in which they have been combined and compared with the results from the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) survey of attitudes towards Jews, carried out at the end of 2013. ; This study, written by JPR Associate Fellow Professor Lars Dencik and his co-author, Karl Morosi, explores the character of antisemitism in contemporary Europe. It presents some perspectives on the development of three distinct types of antisemitism, which, the authors argue, are empirically different from each other. Their findings indicate that each type is based on a particular underlying philosophy, is held by sociologically distinct groups of people, and is manifested in different ways. The report, entitled Different Antisemitisms: Perceptions and experiences of antisemitism among Jews in Sweden and across Europe, is based on data which were originally gathered and analysed by a team of JPR researchers in 2012, as part of a major study commissioned by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA). The general findings from that study were published in a landmark report in 2013, but have been analysed afresh in this follow-up study, in which they have been combined and compared with the results from the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) survey of attitudes towards Jews, carried out at the end of 2013.

During the 23rd March - 4th April 2007 crisis over the detention of British military personnel by the Iranian authorities, press interest in the UK centred 1) on the "truth" of the Iranian assertion that the British boats had illegally entered Iranian waters and 2) on the authenticity of the statements the captives made on Iranian television and in the letters written by one of them: Faye Turney, the only woman in the group. It is the purpose of this paper, admittedly after the event, to introduce some linguistic input into the debate on the authenticity of the texts by searching in the letters themselves for evidence of idiosyncratic usages which appear to be non-native and, from those, infer the existence of a covert author, distinct from the overt writer. This paper is, therefore, a short forensic linguistic case study which demonstrates the hypothesis that the texts are corrupt, with a non-native, covert author - almost certainly a Farsi speaker – fraudulently claiming to be both the writer and the originator of the letters. ; W okresie kryzysu związanego z zatrzymaniem personelu brytyjskiego przez władze irańskie trwającego w dniach od 23 marca do 4 kwietnia 2007 roku, zainteresowanie brytyjskiej prasy skupiło się na tym czy rzeczywiście Irańczycy miali rację twierdząc, że brytyjskie statki nielegalnie wpłynęły na irańskie wody oraz na autentyczności oświadczeń emitowanych w irańskiej telewizji, a składanych przez osoby zatrzymane oraz w listach sporządzonych przez jedyną kobietę w grupie Faye Turney. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie dowodów językoznawczych w tej sprawie, w celu wykazania cech idiosynkratycznych autora tekstu, który wydaje się być niemal na pewno osobą niebędącą rodzimym użytkownikiem języka, w którym sporządzono listy, co z kolei sugeruje, że listy napisane zostały przez tzw. jawnego autora, ale pod wpływem autora ukrytego. Zatem, ten artykuł stanowi analizę przypadku z zakresu językoznawstwa sądowego, który wykazuje, że sporządzenie tekstów zostało wymuszone, przez nierodzimego użytkownika języka, autora ukrtytego, niemal na pewno posługującego się językiem Farsi.

The existence of two separate and distinctly different information spaces is acutely apparent in Latgale, and this situation is heightened by easily picked up Russian and Belarussian television programming as well as illegal satellite operator (smartcard) sharing. Considering these circumstances – and the fact that residents are exposed to vastly different information and interpretations about national, international, economic, social and cultural developments – national Latvian media policy is focused on forging closer links in the realm of information between Latgale and other regions of Latvia, thereby guaranteeing that residents of the border areas are informed of national processes and developments in international events. What steps should be taken in order to, with a reasonable amount of investment, reach as large an audience as possible and promote the development of diverse content for the Latgalian audience? The author of the article analyses the goals and support measures initiated by the Latgale electronic media programme of the National Electronic Mass Media Council (NEPLP) for Latgalian electronic media and producer groups. The programme is a set of measures and activities based on the public service remit for public and commercial media, which includes technical solutions for improving broadcasting standards. In particular, the programme focuses on supporting content generation at local radio stations, which in Latgale continue to be an important source of information and have substantial audiences. The article focuses on tasks that should be performed by the Latgale multimedia studio of Latvian Radio. The studio is a precondition for increasing the public media audience in Latgale as well as for the consolidation of Latgalian identity and protection of the Latgalian language. Based on the communicative needs of Latgalian speakers, the author accents the need for electronic media in the Latgalian language. In-depth studies regarding the demand for and use of written materials in the Latgalian language would help in developing a strategy for the coming years for shaping policy in regard to the preservation and further development of the Latgalian language.

The relevance of a question of redistribution of obligations of the state on accomplishment of social and economic tasks leads both to revision of its functions, and to delegation of some of them to the public sector. Current trends of development of society lead to change of views of such classical category as "function". In article scientific approaches to determination of the concept "functions" as categories of management of modern scientists and founders of managerial science who studied the theory and the history of management during the different periods are investigated. The author in details analysed essence and characteristic of the term "function" and "functionality" in the context of the public and branch management and also the emphasis on various forms of their treatments is placed. On the basis of the analysis of a large number of determinations and formulations of this category, own determination of functions of public administration in the social and economic sphere of Ukraine is formulated. The list of the main functions of the state which accomplishment influence forming and development of modern Ukrainian society is specified. Separately also separation into the general and support functions of public administration is specified, their contents is analysed. In the course of the research are formulated and opened own understanding of the concept "function" of various spheres of management. In article it is assumed that function of observation it is better than the state performs society in the desire to aspiration of justice. Refining of function of observation, as such following from control and the analysis is also offered. It is noted if management has such purpose as personnel filling and resource providing, then functions have to be guided accurately from these requirements. Analyzing a question of functions of public administration, the author noted that consideration of problems of the social and economic sphere demands special functionality which in turn has to be modernized according to market requirements and a maturity of society.

The article analyzes the processes of establishment of the Ukrainian model of local selfgovernment in the context of its historical development. The author attempted to create a periodization of key stages of forming the models of local self-government in Ukraine, basing it on substantial historical and political analysis. The author expresses the opinion that Ukrainian local self-government has passed six stages of its development: the Kievan Rus model, the colonial model, the national model, the soviet model, the model of "Perestroyka" and the modern hybrid model. It has been proved that the establishment of the national model of local self-government depends on the concrete conjecture of the sociopolitical process. It has been established that the peculiarities of the national development of local self-government is a derivative of socioeconomic development of the regions and the state in general. ; В представленном исследовании анализируются процессы становления украинской модели местного самоуправления в контексте его исторического развития. Осуществляется попытка на основе комплексного исторического и политического анализа создать периодизацию основных этапов формирования моделей местного самоуправления в Украине. Высказывается позиция, что украинское местное самоуправление прошло 6 этапов своего развития: модель Киевской Руси, колониальная модель, национальная модель, советская модель, модель перестройки и современная гибридная. Доказано, что становление национальной модели местного самоуправления зависит от конкретной конъектуры в общественно-политическом процессе. Установлено, что специфика национального развития местного самоуправления является производной величиной социально-экономического развития регионов и государства в целом. ; У статті досліджена специфіка формування національної моделі місцевого самоврядування в Україні крізь призму історії та сучасності. Виявлено основні етапи розвитку та формування української моделі місцевого самоврядування в контексті зарубіжного досвіду та вітчизняних наукових практик. Визначено головні орієнтири трансформації національної моделі місцевого самоврядування в контексті історичного розвитку української державності. Узагальнено науково-практичний досвід дослідження місцевого самоврядування в Україні. Зроблено висновок, що національна модель місцевого самоврядування в Україні ще перебуває у стані свого формування і цей процес відбувається під впливом зовнішніх і внутрішніх загроз української державності.

Autor objavljuje latinski i kajkavski tekst krajiških povlastica iz 1732., iznosi širi kontekst njihova nastanka u prvoj polovici 18. soljeća i ističe posebnosti ovoga dokumenta. ; The author analyzes text of Statutes of Vlachs published for frontiersmen/Grenzers of Varaždin Generalate in in the 1732 in latin and kajkavian variant of croatian language and compares this document with the older one, the Vlach Statutes / Statuta Valachorum from 1630. year. The aim of this new document was to redefined obligations and rights of frontiersmen in Varaždin Generalate after a long period of social and religious disturbances during first three decades of 18. century. Author points out that the appearance of this document must be considered in context of military reforms in Varaždin Generalate made by Count Caspar Ferdinand von Cordua. He reorganized military structure of Generalate establishing new military units, but reducing the pay of frontiersmen and raising of pay for officers was not acceptable for frontiersmen. Styrian estates although opposed his reforms warning Vienna court that financing of Varasdin Generalate under this circumstances was useless and that well established and equipped frontiersmen army cam also represent potential threat for Monarchy. As for a new Vlach Statutes, they like the old Statuta form 17th century had not consider religious and ecclesiastical issues, but restricted frontiersmens right of free disposition of posessions and forbade buying out military service. Most important change was nomination of military judges (auditors) in seat of every of four captaincies, which have accomplished the duties of previouse supreme judge and eight assessors. Auditors solved different complaints of frontiersmen, including those against military captains (vojvode), and vojvode have got the possibility of making final decisions in quarrels which can be solved without official judicial procedure. Although Vienna Court supported Cordua's plans and promulgated them in 1733 they have been accepted only partialy, but reforms caused disturbancies and resistence of frontiersmen and new Statuta for frontiersmen of Varasdin Generalate were not officialy proclaimed because authorities wanted to keep peace in Military Frontier.

The article examines questions of compensation for non-pecuniary damage as an expression of the state's attitude towards human life. The article introduces the definition of non-pecuniary damage and urges to use provisions of criminal law, instead of civil law, to acknowledge a person as a victim. It also analyses key provisions of compensation for non-pecuniary damage in homicide cases that are related to the totality of objective and subjective elements of offence composition. The author pays particular attention to the issues of legal regulation in determination of the value of non-pecuniary damage and court practice in compensation of non-pecuniary damage. The author believes that Lithuanian society still exalts spiritual suffering, while its material value is hardly recognized, for which the judicial process, which should tackle the question of non-pecuniary damage, often turns into a process where the main concern is the protection of defendant's material welfare and what amount they would be able to pay. The compensation for non-pecuniary damage is not only a question of proving facts, it is foremost the question of the "price" of the murdered. This is why the interests of a victim shouldn't be collated to making a profit of disaster. The court makes decisions in specific cases and applies the legal norms created by the legislator by using facts, logical and rational arguments. By acting in the name of the state and in its interests, the court should firstly take into account the scale of values set by laws and recognized by the state; what is the priority - human life, the victim's pain of loss and suffering or the defendant's age, their material and family status. The court should determine that the defendant killed a person and by doing so they disregarded the highest value, therefore the relatives of the murdered must receive a just compensation. Only in this way the court can clearly set the priority of life over other values; by assessing it adequately, it expresses the state's attitude towards murder.

In this work the author proposes the revision of the labour law supported the decolonial theoretically which part to explore the place and the effectiveness of the right to work in the current power relations and found that, in addition to just be, for now , an instrument which sets the rules of the game for the exploitation of the working class, need you to extend their effectiveness, in order to contain and regulate, perspectives infrequently explored by this field of law, namely: (1) the question of the races in Latin America which is before and goes beyond classical inequality of classes that is intended to correct, or at least mitigate by labour standards; (2) the question of genre, which the author raises not as an added question if not primary to understand relations of exploitation and (3) the issue of the democratization of public authority in the hands of the State through a racial reinterpretation of the political participation as budget of the same democratization of labour relations. ; En este trabajo el autor propone la revisión del Derecho del trabajo apoyado en la teoría decolonial, de la que parte para explorar el lugar y la eficacia del Derecho del trabajo en las relaciones actuales de poder y halla que, además de sólo ser, por ahora, un instrumento que sienta las reglas del juego para la explotación de la clase trabajadora, le hace falta extender su eficacia, en aras de contener y regular, perspectivas exploradas pocamente por este ámbito del derecho, a saber: (1) la cuestión de las razas en Latinoamérica que está antes y va más allá de la clásica desigualdad de clases que se pretende corregir o, al menos, mitigar mediante las normas laborales; (2) la cuestión de género, la que el autor plantea no como una cuestión adicional si no principal para comprender las relaciones de explotación y (3) la cuestión de la democratización de la autoridad pública en manos del Estado a través de una relectura racial de la participación política como presupuesto de la democratización misma de las relaciones de trabajo.

The article analyzes the processes of establishment of the Ukrainian model of local selfgovernment in the context of its historical development. The author attempted to create a periodization of key stages of forming the models of local self-government in Ukraine, basing it on substantial historical and political analysis. The author expresses the opinion that Ukrainian local self-government has passed six stages of its development: the Kievan Rus model, the colonial model, the national model, the soviet model, the model of "Perestroyka" and the modern hybrid model. It has been proved that the establishment of the national model of local self-government depends on the concrete conjecture of the sociopolitical process. It has been established that the peculiarities of the national development of local self-government is a derivative of socioeconomic development of the regions and the state in general. ; В представленном исследовании анализируются процессы становления украинской модели местного самоуправления в контексте его исторического развития. Осуществляется попытка на основе комплексного исторического и политического анализа создать периодизацию основных этапов формирования моделей местного самоуправления в Украине. Высказывается позиция, что украинское местное самоуправление прошло 6 этапов своего развития: модель Киевской Руси, колониальная модель, национальная модель, советская модель, модель перестройки и современная гибридная. Доказано, что становление национальной модели местного самоуправления зависит от конкретной конъектуры в общественно-политическом процессе. Установлено, что специфика национального развития местного самоуправления является производной величиной социально-экономического развития регионов и государства в целом. ; У статті досліджена специфіка формування національної моделі місцевого самоврядування в Україні крізь призму історії та сучасності. Виявлено основні етапи розвитку та формування української моделі місцевого самоврядування в контексті зарубіжного досвіду та вітчизняних наукових практик. Визначено головні орієнтири трансформації національної моделі місцевого самоврядування в контексті історичного розвитку української державності. Узагальнено науково-практичний досвід дослідження місцевого самоврядування в Україні. Зроблено висновок, що національна модель місцевого самоврядування в Україні ще перебуває у стані свого формування і цей процес відбувається під впливом зовнішніх і внутрішніх загроз української державності.