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These guidelines aim to provide advice to health-care providers on the appropriate responses to IPV and sexual violence against women including clinical interventions and emotional support. They also seek to raise awareness of violence against women among health-care providers and policy-makers to better understand the need for an appropriate health sector response to violence against women. _x000D__x000D__x000D__x000D_The guidelines are based on systematic reviews of the evidence on identification and clinical care for intimate partner violence clinical care for sexual assault training for intimate partner violence and sexual assault as well as policy and programmatic approaches to delivering services. They provide standards that can act as the basis for national guidelines and for integrating these issues into health-care provider education as well as help health-care providers be better informed about the care of women experiencing sexual assault and intimate partner violence. _x000D__x000D__x000D__x000D_The guidelines are aimed at health-care providers because they are in a unique position to address the health and psychosocial needs of women who have experienced violence. Health professionals can provide assistance by facilitating disclosure offering support and referral gathering forensic evidence particularly in cases of sexual violence or by providing the appropriate medical services and follow-up care. _x000D__x000D__x000D__x000D_The guidelines aim to supply health-care providers with evidence-based guidance on offering an appropriate response including clinical interventions and emotional support to women suffering from IPV and sexual violence. They also seek to make health-care providers and policy-makers more aware of violence against women to encourage an evidence-informed health-sector response

Abstract. Federal systems empower multiple policy actors from different levels of governments. For some scholars, the disagreements arising within such a diverse group of actors create policy stalemates. Others contend instead that new ideas are more likely to arise and diffuse from such a diverse group. This article is a contribution to this scholarly debate, proposing an original contribution on policy agendas. It argues that both perspectives are useful to understanding the dynamic of policy making within federal systems. Looking at change in policy attention in Canadian and British speeches from the throne, the article argues that federalism constrains change immediately following a party turnover in government. In the following years, however, federal arrangements encourage larger changes in policy attention than arrangements where power is centralized.Résumé. Les systèmes fédéraux rassemblent plusieurs acteurs politiques issus de différents niveaux de gouvernement. Pour certains chercheurs, l'existence de potentiels désaccords entre de tels décideurs est susceptible de créer des impasses politiques. D'autres soutiennent au contraire que les nouvelles idées sont plus susceptibles d'émerger et de se diffuser à partir d'un tel groupe diversifié. Cet article s'inscrit dans ce débat sur le fédéralisme et propose une contribution originale en termes de mise à l'agenda des politiques publiques. Il soutient que les deux perspectives sont nécessaires à la compréhension de la dynamique de l'élaboration des politiques au sein des systèmes fédéraux. En mesurant le changement de l'attention politique dans les discours du Trône canadiens et britanniques, l'article affirme que le fédéralisme freine le changement de politique immédiatement après un changement de parti au gouvernement. Au cours d'une législature, toutefois, les institutions fédérales encouragent de plus grands changements dans l'attention des politiques que dans des systèmes unitaires où le pouvoir est centralisé.

This dissertation applies recent neorealist scholarship to U.S. NATO policy after the end of the Cold War. Specifically, it reviews structural and neoclassical realist scholarship and applies it to the U.S. role in NATO's eastern enlargement, the alliance's strategy debate, and its Balkans missions.

This study aims to identify public financial indicators involved in the investment projects of GCC countries. The data was collected from the IMF and the MEED from 2011-2017. The study measured the impact of public finance based on eight variables and two proxies (national and trade accounts) on the investment project development proxy, which is measured by the total value of projects planned or currently underway and the value of the ten largest projects currently underway. The results showed that Saudi Arabia and the UAE rank high in both proxies of investment project development. The simple regression results also illustrated that real GDP, the real non-oil GDP variables of national account proxy, and the value of the exported goods and services variable of the trade accounts proxy have a significant impact on the total value of projects planned or currently underway. Meanwhile, only three factors of national accounts, gross national savings, CPI inflation, and current account balance, have a significant impact on the value of the ten largest projects currently underway. The overall conclusion of the study is that GCC countries have established high-value development projects in different cities that require a proper public policy to efficiently manage capital expenditure within the public sector.

This study aims to identify public financial indicators involved in the investment projects of GCC countries. The data was collected from the IMF and the MEED from 2011-2017. The study measured the impact of public finance based on eight variables and two proxies (national and trade accounts) on the investment project development proxy, which is measured by the total value of projects planned or currently underway and the value of the ten largest projects currently underway. The results showed that Saudi Arabia and the UAE rank high in both proxies of investment project development. The simple regression results also illustrated that real GDP, the real non-oil GDP variables of national account proxy, and the value of the exported goods and services variable of the trade accounts proxy have a significant impact on the total value of projects planned or currently underway. Meanwhile, only three factors of national accounts, gross national savings, CPI inflation, and current account balance, have a significant impact on the value of the ten largest projects currently underway. The overall conclusion of the study is that GCC countries have established high-value development projects in different cities that require a proper public policy to efficiently manage capital expenditure within the public sector.

The article is devoted to the Church policy of the Russian Orthodox Church in Eastern Siberia and the Far East with the participation of the Metropolitan of the Moscow Philaret (Drozdov, 1782–1867). Until recently historians did not focus their attention on "Asian" perspective of his activities, though there is an extensive historiography devoted to Moscow prelate. The most important aspects of the missionary activity of the Russian Orthodox Church in Eastern Siberia during the 1810s – 1860s are considered on the basis of materials from Russian archives (RSHA, St. Petersburg) and the little-known documentary sources. Particular attention is paid to the fate of the British Ecclesiastical Mission (1818–1840) and the development of Orthodox missionary work in the Trans-Baikal region, the missionary work of St. Innocent (Veniaminov) in the Far East, the Russian Church policy in the Amur and Primorye regions after the Crimean War (1853–1856), the reorganization of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Beijing (1860–1864). The role of the Metropolitan Philaret in the Russian Church diplomacy in the Far East is studied in the context of Russian-Chinese relations in the mid-Nineteenth Century.

This article has two objectives. The first objective is to review and assess the recent evolution of agency design in Colombia and Venezuela. More specifically, we study the agencies' formal autonomy in these two countries since the year 1999 when Venezuela experienced a major change in government policy towards socialism. Thus, we attempt to explore how this policy change is reflected in the formal autonomy of agencies. Our second objective is to test if, despite the differences in policy choices the two countries have taken in the recent years, there are theoretical factors related to the agencies' design that can explain the level of formal autonomy of the agencies. The results show two main elements: first, even though the patterns of formal agency autonomy in Colombia and Venezuela differed before Venezuela's latter policy change, the differences between these two countries have increased since 2000. This indicates that each country's policy preferences may account for the differences. Second, for both countries, we found that, despite the differences, agency level factors such as the primary tasks that are performed by the agencies and the policy sector in which they are active have had an impact on their level of formal autonomy. However, the results indicate that these relationships do not follow the predictions that have been made based on the different theoretical perspectives

This paper analyzes the incentives for governments to impose export subsidies when firms invest in a cost saving technology before market competition. Governments first impose an export subsidy or a tax. After observing export policy, firms invest in cost reducing R and D and subsequently compete in the market. Governments subsidize exports under Cournot competition. Under Bertrand competition, export subsidies are positive whenever R and D is sufficiently costeffective at reducing marginal costs, and negative otherwise. The trade policy reversal found in models without endogenous sunk costs disappears if R and D is sufficiently cost-effective. Output subsidies are more robust than implied by the recent literature.

Der Übersichtsartikel zu europäischen Afrikastudien und dem Forschungsgegenstand der öffentlichen Räume betrachtet die fundamentalen wissenschaftlichen Bewegungen der vergangenen fünf Dekaden in Frankreich und Deutschland. Das erste Kapitel beschreibt zunächst die Entwicklung von der klassischen bzw. neo-klassischen Ethnologie zur post-modernen und ultra-modernen Ethnologie seit den 1950er Jahren bis zum Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts. Die zu beobachtende Reform lässt sich an zwei maßgeblichen Schritten festmachen, der Entstehung einer 'neuen Entwicklungsanthropologie' und einer 'Sozialanthropologie öffentlicher Räume in Afrika'. Der zweite Abschnitt erläutert sodann die neue Entwicklungsanthropologie, die sich auf Grundlage der Manchester School in den 1980er Jahren herauskristallisiert. Diese anthropologische Ausrichtung ist geprägt von der marxistischen Theorie und der allgemeinen Rückbesinnung auf den Akteur in den europäischen Sozialwissenschaften. Das dritte Kapitel widmet sich dem Forschungsfeld der Sozialanthropologie öffentlicher Räume in Afrika, das die Möglichkeiten und das Management öffentlicher oder kollektiver Güter und Dienstleistungen umfasst. Dazu gehören u.a. die Zivilgesellschaft, lokale Administrationen, der Lebensalltag auf lokaler Ebene. In einer Schlussfolgerung erörtert der Autor abschließend das Hauptcharakteristikum der beiden ethnologischen Disziplinen, die Zurückweisung des Kulturalismus, verstanden als wissenschaftliche Ideologie. (ICG2)

"Das Geschlechterverhältnis ist in den letzten drei Jahrzehnten in Bewegung geraten, ausgelöst durch erhebliche Bildungsinvestitionen von Frauen und ihre weit reichende Integration in den Arbeitsmarkt. Sich zwischen Familie und Beruf entscheiden zu müssen, findet zunehmend weniger Akzeptanz. Diese gesellschaftlichen Differenzierungsprozesse spiegeln sich auch in veränderten Anforderungen an Institutionen wider, in wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Systemen sind veränderte Handlungsorientierungen und Regelungen erforderlich geworden. Tradierte Vorstellungen über geschlechtliche Arbeitsteilung und Zuständigkeiten für Betreuungsleistungen haben sich gewandelt. In einer deutsch-französisch vergleichenden Perspektive werden wohlfahrtsstaatliche Konzeptionen, arbeitsmarkt- und familienpolitische Regulierungen, ihre Konstruktionsprinzipien und Prämissen unter der Geschlechterperspektive untersucht. Im Hinblick auf Konvergenzen und Divergenzen kann im Vergleich gezeigt werden, dass das deutsche Sozialstaatsmodell nach wie vor auf einem tradierten Eheleitbild - verbunden mit einem 'starken' männlichen Ernährerregime - ausgerichtet ist und sich vom französischen Modell in wesentlichen Punkten unterscheidet. Andererseits nehmen gegenüber Dritten die Divergenzen ab - im europäischen Vergleich werden in der Wohlfahrtsstaatsforschung Deutschland und Frankreich demselben Typus von Sozialversicherungsstaat zugeordnet. Divergenzen sind darüber hinaus insbesondere in den politischen Strategien zur Arbeitsmarktintegration festzustellen. Dagegen unterstützen die arbeitsmarkt- und sozialpolitischen Strategien der EU zunehmend konvergente Entwicklungen und gewinnen als Einflussfaktoren auf die Ausprägung von der nationalstaatlichen Arbeitsmarkt- und Sozialpolitik an Bedeutung." (Autorenreferat). Inhaltsverzeichnis: Gilbert Achcar, Dagmar Simon, Mechthild Veil: Arbeitsmarkt, Wohlfahrtsstaat, Familienpolitik und die Geschlechterfrage - deutsch-französische Konvergenzen und Divergenzen (5-10); Anne Salles: Familienpolitische Hilfen zur Arbeitsmarktintegration von Müttern - ein deutsch-französischer Vergleich (11-26); Danièle Kergoat: Debatten zur geschlechtlichen Arbeitsteilung in Frankreich (27-36); Helena Hirata: Überlegungen zur "Vereinbarkeit" von Familie und Beruf - ein Versuch, das Terrain zu sondieren (37-46); Nicky Le Feuvre: Zur Feminisierung von Berufen in vergleichender Perspektive (47-62); Petra Beckmann: EU-Beschäftigungsziele und Geschlechtergerechtigkeit - passt das zusammen? (63-76); Danielle Chabaud-Rychter: Beziehungen zwischen Technik und Geschlecht (77-88); Mechthild Veil: Geschlechterbeziehungen im deutsch-französischen Vergleich - ein Blick auf Familien- und Arbeitsmarktpolitik (89-100).

Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Redefining the Concept of Security -- Why This Book? -- The Book's Outline -- Notes -- Chapter 2: A New Approach to Conceptualizing Security in the Arab World -- The Social Contract: Providing Security as a Public Good -- Defining the Public Sphere -- Conceptualizing Patron-Protégé Relations in Islamic Political Thought -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 3: Patron-Protégé Relations Under the Old Regime -- Patron-Protégé Relations in the Arab World -- Egypt -- Syria -- Libya -- Tunisia -- Bahrain -- Yemen -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 4: Traditional Civil-Security Sector Relations in the Arab World -- Conceptualizing the Relationship Between Public, Patron and Security Sector -- Means of Privatizing the Statutory Security Sector -- Structural Means of Privatization of the Security Sector -- Diversification of the Security Sector -- Centralization of Command Structures -- Constant Rotation of Stakeholders -- Coercive Means of Privatizing the Security Sector -- Commissarism -- Accommodative Means of Privatizing the Security Sector -- Favouritism -- Types of Security Sectors -- Personalized Security Sectors -- Sectarian Security Sectors -- Profiteering Security Sectors -- Praetorian Security Sectors -- Fractured Security Sectors -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 5: The Arab Public Sphere: Challenging the Old Regime -- Civil Society and the Regime -- New Media and the Rise of the Arab Public Sphere -- The Arab Public Sphere and the Arab Spring -- The Mobilization of the Masses -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 6: Public Dissidence, the Security Sector and Regime Resilience -- Dissidence, Repression and Its Impact on Regime Resilience -- The Escalatory Spiral of Dissidence, Response and Regime Resilience Since 2011 -- The Initial Spark -- Protest and Repression

The scientific understanding of climate change is firmly established; it is occurring, it is primarily due to human activities, and it poses potentially serious risks to human and natural systems. Nevertheless, public understanding of this phenomenon varies widely among farmers and the public, the two-target audience of this paper. This paper introduces two research questions: (1) How climate change is perceived by public-farmers' nexus; and (2) How perception and populism (as a thin-ideology moved by social forces) interact? In order to address both questions, we review insights from different sources (literature, research projects, and public opinion services) over the last 10 years. The results proved how public experience of climate change is interdependent with the belief that climate change is happening. What is also notable is that the greater the years of farmers' farming experiences, the greater the percentage rate of their climate change awareness. Differences among farmers and public perceptions were also noted. Uncertainty, coupled with skepticism, the media, and political will, are common findings when asking to farmers and the public for the main weaknesses in adaptation to climate change. However, scientific consensus, meteorological data, barriers to adaptation, and the role of technology are subjects in which both differ. ; This research was funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities, grant number FJCI-2015-24346.

This title codifies the US National Cancer Institute's lessons from utilising a public-private partnership with community hospitals to navigate the change needed to increase patient access to high-quality cancer care, and enhance hospitals' capacity to conduct and support research initiatives. The treatment of complex diseases requires a delivery system capable of translating scientific advances into care that is coordinated across the full continuum; this book offers a blueprint to just such an infrastructure.