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Attending to the title of this symposium, I want to focus my presentation on the state of the question on some reflections made from philosophy on pluralism in politics and, more specifically, on pluralism in the space or sphere of the political public. To do this, I will assume, here, several questions: first, I will assume that in contemporary societies (of a late modernity or postmodernity) it makes sense to continue talking about different spheres and, specifically, of the public sphere as a sphere other than the sphere private; secondly, I will assume the political public as the space in which common affairs take place, those that interest us as a political community, and with respect to which we converse, deliberate, decide and act in our capacity as political agents or actors; and, thirdly, I will also assume the public-political space as a space for different learning, including moral learning, ethical learning, and political virtue learning. [Fragment] ; Atendiendo al título de esta mesa, deseo centrar mi presentación sobre el estado de la cuestión en algunas reflexiones hechas desde la filosofía sobre el pluralismo en la política y, más concretamente, sobre el pluralismo en el espacio o esfera de lo público político. Para ello, asumiré, aquí, varias cuestiones: en primer lugar, asumiré que en las sociedades contemporáneas (de una modernidad tardía o postmodernidad) tiene sentido seguir hablando de esferas diferentes y, concretamente, de la esfera pública como una esfera distinta a la esfera privada; en segundo lugar, asumiré lo público político como el espacio en el que tienen lugar los asuntos comunes, aquellos que nos interesan como comunidad política, y respecto de los cuales conversamos, deliberamos, decidimos y actuamos en nuestra condición de agentes o actores políticos; y, en tercer lugar, asumiré también el espacio de lo público político como un espacio de aprendizajes distintos, entre ellos, aprendizajes morales, aprendizajes éticos y aprendizajes de virtudes políticas.[Fragmento]

"Die politische Netzaktivistenbewegung ist eine wissenschaftlich bisher wenig untersuchte Bewegung. Erst allmählich rückt die Bewegung in das Blickfeld, nicht zuletzt aufgrund der steigenden Bedeutung des Internets, für dessen Freiheit die Bewegung eintritt. Der Beitrag möchte diese politische Bewegung theoretisch, basierend auf der kritischen Technologie Theorie, deuten und empirisch etwas fassbarer machen. Hierbei soll auch geklärt werden, ob die Bewegung mit einer spezifischen Jugendkultur bzw. - szene einhergeht und wie sich die Transnationalität der Bewegung darstellt. Für den empirischen Zugang werden Daten aus einem Survey mit Jugendlichen sowie Material aus qualitativen Interviews mit jungen Netzaktivsten verwendet." (Autorenreferat)

In the article offered to the readers, the author analyses the results of the 2021 Russian legislative elections, using a comparative method. The parallels with the results of previous election campaigns on the basis of the results obtained by both political parties and individual candidates are drawn. The purpose of the article is to evaluate the level of political activity of voters in different regions of Russia and to identify changes that have taken place in the moods of various social groups. The article analyses the peculiarities of the election campaigns organized by different political forces as well as the course of preparation and conduct of the elections themselves, both at the federal and regional levels. Finally, the author concludes that the United Russia political party (Edinaya Rossiya), which received a constitutional majority in the renewed State Duma again, will have to consider the realities highlighted by the election campaign. But most importantly, it is this party that will have to take responsibility for passing the laws that would ensure socio-economic development of the country as a condition of increasing the welfare of the population.

How does the network of international political alliances influence trade flows? Previous work suggests that alliances matter in predicting trade outcomes because governments align trade policies with national security interests and firms take political relations between states into account when assessing risk. However, work to date investigates only the relationship between direct political alliances and trade, which ignores the complexity of international alliance structures. In this article, I argue that states and firms not only consider direct political relationships when shaping international trade, but also focus crucially on indirect alliance relationships. I find that higher levels of trade result when states have more shared alliances and when they are in the same alliance community. Once these indirect relationships are accounted for, the apparent association of dyadic alliances with trade is drastically reduced. Joint membership in an alliance community predicts an increase in trade that is more than twice the increase associated with a dyadic alliance. This effect is magnified when considering highly 'central' states in the alliance network. States trade significantly more with central states in their own alliance community and less with central states in other communities.

This article deals with the political economic consequences of the disappearance of the Spanish silver peso standard in Spanish America, the longest monetary union that ever existed. With the Napoleonic invasion of Spain in 1808, the fiscal and political structure of the empire imploded and most colonies became independent. Regional competition for revenues exacerbated budget shortfalls driven by military expenditure. Local elites established in former colonial Treasury districts started highly diverse monetary experiments to procure funds. Those in control of mint houses started minting their own coins or debased existing silver currency. Elsewhere, inconvertible paper currency was also created to meet budget deficits. As a result, the most valuable feature of the Spanish American silver peso, its quality standard, was broken and the standard that had organized the early modern international economy for more than 300 years ceased to exist altogether. In Spanish America, as diverse monies co‐existed within a formerly highly integrated economic space, a widespread Gresham's law effect exacerbated the conflict among local and regional elites. This fostered the political fragmentation of colonial Spanish America into an increasing number of political and monetary sovereign entities during the nineteenth century.

The article explores how we can define the concept of political narrative and looks at the implications in terms of analyzing political discourse. The examination of the various strategies used to define narrative, leads to the suggestion that, at least in the context of political narrative analysis, we need structural definitions that stress the barest minimum for terming a message a narrative. Basing on the proposed strategy to define narrative, the article suggests that narrative analysis should operate on two levels: the "thin" level and the "thick" level. The thin level relates to events and situations described in a discourse and their order of appearance in the text. "Thick level" of analysis, relates to everything included in the "narration" and the relation between the components of the thin narrative. The article examines these two levels of analysis in the context of a short statement by Israeli Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, at a photo opportunity in the White House. The analysis demonstrates how to apply a combination of thin and thick analysis to political discourse, and how this dual perspective makes a contribution to the study of spatial construction in narratives.

This article's thesis is that the close connection between the military elite and the government/political elite in Israel detracts from the quality of Israeli democracy by lending the government an unfair electoral advantage over the opposition. The article documents the various facets of the connection between the elites, which includes military commanders' publicly expressed support for government policy over that of the opposition, military elite participation in the formation of government policy, political appointments within the army, the movement from the military elite into the political (especially the government/political) elite, and informal social contacts between the two elites. It then analyzes how the connection between the two elites enhances the electoral chances of the government over those of the opposition. It shows that some facets do so directly by forming a legitimating device for the government, while others do so indirectly by being part of an exchange system that includes the other aspects of the connection. The inequitable electoral advantage thus gained by the government through its connection with the military elite contravenes the spirit-if not the letter-of democratic principles.

This paper examines a historical case of institutional change, the development of the Bill of Rights, and claims that change may occur as a form of strategic political concession. Understanding why institutional change occurs has generally led to explanations that focus on the desirable properties of any rule change. The presumption is that those with power change rules only to advantage themselves. In this analysis, an alternative reason for institutional change is developed from the genesis of the Bill of Rights. The offer of institutional change is formally conceptualized as the strategic choice of political parties to enact changes to forestall a hostile and potentially growing minority. The historical and statistical analysis of the development of the Bill of Rights to the Constitution demonstrates that the change was made primarily for its political purpose of reducing political opposition and less for its effect on future policy outcomes. This finding challenges current work on endogenous rule change that assumes rule changes occur solely for the purpose of enacting sincerely preferred policy outcomes.

During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries religion continued to play an obvious role in the Middle East. Among observers of that area the significance of the impact of religion on political development was consequently never minimized to the extent that it was among observers of political trends in the West. Western scholars interested in the Middle East, however, have tended to overrate the importance of the Muslim modernists with whom they felt a certain affinity. They also have accepted too uncritically the views of modernists concerning the lifelessness of traditional expressions of Islam. As a result, not until recently have we begun sufficiently to appreciate traditional Muslim religious leaders both for their impact on and for the diversity of their responses to modern political and intellectual currents. I believe that this diversity is not accidental but rather is susceptible to analysis and explanation. This essay demonstrates how four variables (historical circumstances, theological considerations, socioeconomic considerations, and governmental policies toward Muslim religious leaders) affected the political involvement of the Islamic ulama throughout the Middle East generally and in Tunisia particularly during the 'liberal age'.

Pankaj Jha, A Political History of Literature: Vidyapati and the Fifteenth Century, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2019, 272 pp.

"The Political Role of the African Middle Class: The Over-Politicization of an Elusive Category" published on by Oxford University Press.

M. Madhava Prasad, Cine-Politics: Film Stars and Political Existence in South India. New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan. 2014. 224 pages. ₹690.

Book review of Antonis Anastasopoulos, ed. Political Initiatives "From the Bottom Up" in the Ottoman Empire. Rethymno: Crete University Press, 2012.