Suchergebnisse

Millions of forest property rights disputes have occurred in the course of collective forest tenure reform in contemporary rural China. Although most disputes were settled, some developed into serious, violent conflicts. This article examines such a case in Bailian Town, Fujian Province. Findings suggest that there were three essential factors in the failure of dispute resolution efforts in Bailan: lack of trust and collaboration between citizens and government; lack of channels for citizen participation in policymaking and dispute resolution; and lack of neutral and professional third‐party mediation. The Chinese government is now taking steps to innovate, strengthen and professionalize the country's conflict resolution system in order to address such limitations. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Currently, alternative methods of dispute resolution are increasingly being developed, their specific forms of conflict resolution of different tones and hybrid forms of resolution of several different issues are also emerging. This article examines scientific-theoretical approaches as well as international and foreign legislation practices to reveal the importance and special features of such settlement as arbitration and mediation as one of the alternative forms of dispute resolution. In particular, the process of carrying out the conciliation process of such countries as China, Korea and India from Asian countries, the Russian Federation from the CIS countries, Germany, Hungary and Ireland from the European Union as well as Australia and Brazil will be analyzed comparatively by studying their similarities and different aspects

В статье рассматривается актуальная для современной российской политической науки проблема межнациональных и межэтнических отношений в Республике Дагестан. Автор обращается к исследованию специфики традиционных механизмов разрешения этнополитических конфликтов. Особое внимание уделяется применению традиционного миротворчества в современных условиях во взаимосвязи с другими механизмами разрешения этнополитических конфликтов. ; The article considers the relevant for the modern Russian political science problem of international and interethnic relations in the Republic of Dagestan. The author refers to the study of the specificity of traditional mechanisms of ethno-political conflicts resolution. Particular attention is paid to the use of traditional peacebuilding in the modern conditions in conjunction with other mechanisms of resolution of ethno-political conflicts.

Chapter One: The Discussion Forum for Political Parties' Leaders: a way forward / Phillip Marmo. - Chapter Two: Political Empowerment and Inclusion / Max Mmuya . - Chapter Three: Political Parties and Capacity Building Strategies / Audax B.Kweyamba. - Chapter Four: Political Parties and Resource Mobilization Strategies' / John Jingu . - Chapter Five: Techniques for Recruiting and Retaining Political Party Members / Benson A. Bana . - Chapter Six: Leadership Grooming in Political Parties / Laurean J . Ndumbaro. - Chapter Seven: Intra-Party Democracy and Multi-party Politics / Cosmas Mogella . - Chapter Eight: Conflict Resolution an d Management within Political Parties / Mababe Nyirabu . - Chapter Nine: Approaches to Inter-party Conflict Management and Resolution in Tanzania: Trends and Challenges / Bashiru Ally

In her 1999 monograph Sri Lankan Theatre in a Time of Terror: Political Satire in the Permitted Space, Ranjini Obeyesekere noted that Augusto Boal's Forum Theatre had not caught on in the island state of Sri Lanka. Seventeen years later this is not the case. Organisations including the British Council and the Sri Lanka Development Journalist Forum are using Forum theatre at the heart of their conflict resolution works in Sri Lankan communities. But, why has it caught on? Originally brought to the island state in the wake of the disastrous 2004 tsunami, Forum theatre has become a flagship programme for conflict mediation and resolution.

This research aims to analyse government policies and local wisdom values in the matter of land conflict resolution. Results show that the resolution is dominated by nonlitigation efforts, including peace agreement through negotiation, discussion, and mediation. Therefore, principles of adat law in resolving conflicts should be empowered, preserved, and socialised. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengkaji kebijakan pemerintah dan nilai-nilai kearifan lokal yang berkaitan dengan upaya penyelesaian konflik pertanahan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penyelesaian sengketa tanah didominasi oleh pola penyelesaian nonlitigasi, misalnya perdamaian melalui negosiasi, musyawarah mufakat, dan mediasi. Dengan demikian, prinsip-prinsip hukum adat dalam penyelesaian konflik perlu dibina, dilestarikan, dan disosialisasikan.

AbstractWhile in the Ottoman Empire reconciling disputing parties insharīʿacourts occurred without the direct involvement of state officials, in modern Central Asia functionaries appointed by the ruler's chancellery acted as mediators and mediation procedures were consistent with the state's intervention in the resolution of a conflict. This ended with Russian colonization. Conflict resolution was left to thesharīʿacourts; mediation continued to be important but state appointees were no longer officially involved in bringing it about. The Russian colonial and Soviet administrations made the community responsible for seeking amicable settlements. Only afterwards did they realize how easy this made it for local groups to circumvent the state's supervision.

Scholars have found that nonviolent resistance is more effective than violence at promoting post-campaign democratization. We explore whether this relationship extends to judicial systems, specifically. Courts have been shown to be important for promoting and protecting economic development and political rights, yet they have been largely ignored in quantitative studies of post-conflict democratization. We posit that leaders who hold power after domestic unrest will be more inclined to use independent courts as a mechanism to prevent future campaigns–but they do so primarily when fearing a significant mobilization threat and when expecting legal action to be an acceptable channel for dispute resolution by dissidents. As such, we anticipate that levels of judicial independence are higher following nonviolent campaigns as compared to violent conflicts. Using quantitative data from violent and nonviolent campaigns globally, we find that judicial independence is indeed higher in the aftermath of nonviolent, as compared to violent, resistance campaigns. Furthermore, a campaign's outcome does not matter; post-conflict judicial independence appears to be associated with tactics, not dissident success.

Scholars have found that nonviolent resistance is more effective than violence at promoting post-campaign democratization. We explore whether this relationship extends to judicial systems, specifically. Courts have been shown to be important for promoting and protecting economic development and political rights, yet they have been largely ignored in quantitative studies of post-conflict democratization. We posit that leaders who hold power after domestic unrest will be more inclined to use independent courts as a mechanism to prevent future campaigns–but they do so primarily when fearing a significant mobilization threat and when expecting legal action to be an acceptable channel for dispute resolution by dissidents. As such, we anticipate that levels of judicial independence are higher following nonviolent campaigns as compared to violent conflicts. Using quantitative data from violent and nonviolent campaigns globally, we find that judicial independence is indeed higher in the aftermath of nonviolent, as compared to violent, resistance campaigns. Furthermore, a campaign's outcome does not matter; post-conflict judicial independence appears to be associated with tactics, not dissident success.

Increasingly, social capital, defined as shared norms, trust, and the horizontal and vertical social networks that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutually beneficial collective action, is seen as an important asset upon which people rely to manage natural resources and resolve conflicts. This paper uses empirical data from households and community surveys and case studies, to examine the role, strengths, and limits of social capital in managing conflicts over the use and management of natural resources. We inventoried over 700 cases ranging from conflicts between multiple resource users to supra-community conflicts between local communities concerns for better livelihoods and national/international concerns for environment conservation. Results show how different types of social capital are used in preventing and managing conflicts. Endowment in certain dimensions of social capital significantly decreased the occurrence of conflicts and played a significant role in managing them. However, social capital mechanisms have some limits, and are not always effective in resolving some types of conflicts. For such conflicts, people rely on formal mechanisms for arbitration and adjudication. In many cases, these have resulted in exclusion, coercion, and violence. Results show that policies or social capital alone do not possess the resources needed to promote broad-based and sustainable conflict resolution strategies. Rather, people use a range of conflict management strategies of different types and combinations of social capital and local polices. This synergy between social capital and local policy is based on complementarity and embededness: mutually supportive relations between local government and local communities, and the nature and extent of the ties connecting people and communities and public institutions. Better understanding of how this synergy between social capital and local policy can be strengthened is crucial to minimize natural resource management conflicts.

"The end of the Cold War brought about fundamental shifts in the international political system, which many scholars believe have had ripple effects in the field of national security. Literature on security during the Cold War era was primarily focused on the military, the state system, and superpower rivalry. However, with the end of the Cold War, the theory and practice of security has been subject to widespread rethinking, taking into consideration a larger variety of issues that were previously neglected. A major dilemma is that this shifting attitude has been slow to reach the Middle east, one of the most volatile, yet strategic, regions of the Cold-War era. Nowhere is the need to redefine security more pressing than in the Middle east. This book attempts to fill that gap. The contributors to the volume come from a wide variety of backgrounds, but have a common interest in dialogue in support of peace in the Middle east and aim to put forward new concepts, new policies and new discourses about security. There is no singular alternative or magical approach put forward, but a broader terrain is propounded for discussion, debate and analysis of the possibilities and constraints for conflict and conflict resolution in the region. This book will be of vital use to students of the Middle east peace process, as well as students of conflict analysis and peace studies"--Publisher's description