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AbstractThrough the example of contemporary Buddhist nationalist groups in Myanmar, this article draws attention to the cultural authorization of religio-political discourse. The symbolic power of a monk's pronouncements is amplified because of the cultural reverence attached to his vocation as a Buddhist monk, even without doctrinal references or ritual practices. A monk's cultural position within Burmese Buddhism particularly strengthens his authority when he frames his preaching and actions as a defense of Buddhism. Without attention to these cultural institutions and the religious authority they confer, the resonance and influence of monks' words cannot be completely understood. Furthermore, without directly responding to the logic of these authorizing discourses, responses intended to counter the violence emerging from Buddhist nationalism and promote tolerance will be ineffective.

Since the 1970s, Belgium has so far undergone six state reforms that gradually modified the Belgian federation. Negotiations and various conflicts between the elites of the two large communities have been both a cause and a consequence of Belgium's federalization. In fact, each reform of the state seems to have increased demands for further regionalization, known in Belgium as "defederalization of competencies". However, in recent years, as the Belgian federal model seems to experience a reversal of centrifugal dynamics. Indeed, political elites have increasingly advocated the "re-federalization" of certain competences, promoting efficiency and homogeneity. The goal of this paper is to explore longitudinally the positions as well as the argumentation logic used by political elites in favor of de-federalization or re-federalization of competences. The aim of this paper is a longitudinal analysis of the positions of the political elites in favor of de-federalization or re-federalization in Belgium. The longitudinal analysis through a critical frame analysis is carried out on the electoral manifestos of Belgian political parties, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, on the interventions of political elites in the written press from the early 2000s until the last federal and regional elections in 2019.

Since the 1970s, Belgium has so far undergone six state reforms that gradually modified the Belgian federation. Negotiations and various conflicts between the elites of the two large communities have been both a cause and a consequence of Belgium's federalization. In fact, each reform of the state seems to have increased demands for further regionalization, known in Belgium as "defederalization of competencies". However, in recent years, as the Belgian federal model seems to experience a reversal of centrifugal dynamics. Indeed, political elites have increasingly advocated the "re-federalization" of certain competences, promoting efficiency and homogeneity. The goal of this paper is to explore longitudinally the positions as well as the argumentation logic used by political elites in favor of de-federalization or re-federalization of competences. The aim of this paper is a longitudinal analysis of the positions of the political elites in favor of de-federalization or re-federalization in Belgium. The longitudinal analysis through a critical frame analysis is carried out on the electoral manifestos of Belgian political parties, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, on the interventions of political elites in the written press from the early 2000s until the last federal and regional elections in 2019.

The 2007 ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) Blueprint specified a roadmap for accelerating the establishment of the AEC by 2015. To model itself on the European Union integration, ASEAN leaders agreed to transform ASEAN into a single market and production base with a free flow of goods, services, investments, capital and skilled labour. Nonetheless, given the huge disparities in economic development across different Member States, it is predictable that ASEAN might take a considerably longer time towards full integration, including transforming the current legal initiatives into the underpinnings envisaged under the AEC Blueprint. This thesis aims to identify the intensity of ASEAN integration. This is addressed under three themes namely (a) the current stage of integration in ASEAN, (b) indicators of regional integration and (c) the transformation of ASEAN towards deep integration. Under the first theme, the extent to which ASEAN integration has proceeded is investigated to provide theoretical foundations for the transformation of ASEAN deep integration. In particular, the legal indicators of ASEAN integration, including the impact of regional trade arrangements in goods, services and investments on ASEAN economic and political integration and the institutional indicators for ASEAN deep integration are examined to help policy-makers to understand and measure the complexity of integration at national and regional levels. Lastly, an analysis of ASEAN's external trade arrangements with China, Japan and Korea aims to assess the feasibility of employing ASEAN+3 frameworks for a deeper integration. Literature reviews on integration theories, from political economy and legal perspectives to the morality of trade and regionalism, are utilized in this study. Case studies and statistical analyses are conducted to assess the likelihood of ASEAN following the EU integration model. Tables, pie charts, and line graphs are presented to emphasize the economic impact of existing export-oriented trade arrangements and consensus-based institutions on existing regional integration. The main results answering the three themes of ASEAN integration are established. Legalism in ASEAN has reached a medium level although its rulings are voluntary and are not binding. It is expected that ASEAN will achieve the middle stage of integration by 2015, which is similar to a European-style common market. The second result reveals that ASEAN, which is dominated by external and not intra-regional trade, might lose its economic independence in the long term. The third result indicates that ongoing co-operation in external free trade arrangements among the ASEAN and other countries in East Asia is an early indicator of integration at an advanced level. The author recommends the formation of an ASEAN customs union which, in the process of deep integration, can reduce trade-diverting effects and enhance the international representation of ASEAN. It is also recommended that after the completion of a single market in 2015, ASEAN acts as the pathfinder in building the East Asia Community to match the exact justice and human necessity of trade and to be independent from external influence. ; published_or_final_version ; Law ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy

Since 2008, the economic fallout from the subprime mortgage crisis has led to the
defeat of a number of incumbents in the world's major democracies. For instance, in
the former EU-15, eight countries (including France) have ousted their incumbents in
favor of new leaders. The United States is no exception, and the 2012 US
presidential election will see Barack Obama running for a second term during
difficult economic times. After hitting a high of 10% in October 2009, the nation's
unemployment rate decreased to 8.2% in May 2012. Nonetheless, this is still 0.7
percentage point higher than what Ronald Reagan faced in 1984 or what confronted
George H.W. Bush in 1992 as they ran for their second terms. Looking at measures of
presidential popularity for the month of May since 1980, Barack Obama's approval
rating is at 46% in the Gallup polls, which is the third-worst rating after George
W. Bush (30% in 2008) and George H.W. Bush (39.4% in 1992). Given Barack Obama's
approval rating and the current national unemployment level, must we conclude that
Barack Obama is irremediably on the ropes against Mitt Romney in 2012?

Extant research emphasizes the ways in which collective identity is negotiated within broader political and economic opportunity structures. However, the interplay between collective identity and the subjective nature of opportunities has been largely unexplored. We address this gap in the literature by delineating how conflicting perceptions of salient political opportunities can fuel animosity and threaten movement identity. We draw from a unique qualitative dataset on the Czech environmental movement collected over a ten-year span. In 2002, a group of movement leaders circulated a manifesto urging environmentalists to stage a coup d'etat of the Czech Green Party. Controversy erupted as some activists felt that the rallying call violated their longstanding independence from party politics. Our findings reveal that the movement's collective identity ultimately became fragmented as a result of activists' dissonant perceptions of this opportunity. We conclude by discussing the implications of our results for social movement research. Adapted from the source document.

The features of the development of the ideas of participatory and deliberative democracy in modern political discourse are researched in the article. The author defines the relationship between the formation of these conceptual models of democracy and political practice. This relationship is accompanied by an "emotional" coloring of a democratic idea, using it as a symbol of struggle for the empowerment of the citizens' rights and freedoms or as a means of «approximation» the authorities to citizens.The characteristic features of participatory and deliberative democracy and the peculiarities of implementing their tools into political practice are considered. It is noted that a number of such instruments are already widely used in European countries. This applies, in particular, to referendums, online discussions of draft state decisions, advisory bodies. Ukraine also does not stand aside these processes – public consultations, public councils at executive authorities, electronic petitions, public budgeting practices, etc. are introduced. At the same time, the development of participatory and deliberative practices in Ukraine is impulsive. The election campaigns and public protests significantly affect this process.Attention is focused not only on the positive influence on the political system of the tools of participatory and deliberative democracy, but also on the possible negative impact. In particular, examples of complications in decision making, destabilization of domestic and foreign policy are considered.How the ideas of participatory and deliberative democracy, if necessary, can become populist slogans is shown on the example of the electoral programs of the candidates for the post of President of Ukraine. But at the same time it characterizes the political discourse not only in Ukraine, but also in developed Western countries. ; У статті досліджено особливості розвитку ідей партисипаторної та деліберативної демократії в сучасному політичному дискурсі. Автор визначає взаємозв'язок між формуванням відповідних концептуальних моделей демократії та політичною практикою, що супроводжується «емоційним» забарвленням демократичної ідеї, використанням її як символу боротьби за розширення прав та свобод громадян або як засобу «наближення» органів влади до громадян.Розглянуто характерні риси партисипаторної і деліберативної демократії та особливості впровадження їх інструментів у політичну практику. Відзначено, що низка таких інструментів вже широко застосовується в європейських країнах. Це стосується, зокрема, референдумів, онлайн обговорень проектів державних рішень, дорадчих органів. Україна також не стоїть осторонь цих процесів – запроваджено проведення консультацій з громадськістю, створення громадських рад при органах виконавчої влади, електронні петиції, практики громадського бюджетування та ін. Водночас розвиток партисипаторних та деліберативних практик в Україні відбувається імпульсивно, під впливом виборчих кампаній або внаслідок суспільних протестів.Увагу зосереджено не лише на позитивному впливі інструментів партисипаторної та деліберативної демократії на політичну систему, але й на можливому негативному впливі. Зокрема, розглянуто приклади ускладнення ними прийняття рішень, дестабілізації внутрішньої і зовнішньої політики. На прикладі виборчих програм кандидатів на пост Президента України показано, як ідеї партисипаторної та деліберативної демократії за необхідності можуть стати популістськими гаслами, що водночас характерне для політичного дискурсу не лише в Україні, але й в розвинених країнах Заходу.

The features of the development of the ideas of participatory and deliberative democracy in modern political discourse are researched in the article. The author defines the relationship between the formation of these conceptual models of democracy and political practice. This relationship is accompanied by an "emotional" coloring of a democratic idea, using it as a symbol of struggle for the empowerment of the citizens' rights and freedoms or as a means of «approximation» the authorities to citizens.The characteristic features of participatory and deliberative democracy and the peculiarities of implementing their tools into political practice are considered. It is noted that a number of such instruments are already widely used in European countries. This applies, in particular, to referendums, online discussions of draft state decisions, advisory bodies. Ukraine also does not stand aside these processes – public consultations, public councils at executive authorities, electronic petitions, public budgeting practices, etc. are introduced. At the same time, the development of participatory and deliberative practices in Ukraine is impulsive. The election campaigns and public protests significantly affect this process.Attention is focused not only on the positive influence on the political system of the tools of participatory and deliberative democracy, but also on the possible negative impact. In particular, examples of complications in decision making, destabilization of domestic and foreign policy are considered.How the ideas of participatory and deliberative democracy, if necessary, can become populist slogans is shown on the example of the electoral programs of the candidates for the post of President of Ukraine. But at the same time it characterizes the political discourse not only in Ukraine, but also in developed Western countries. ; У статті досліджено особливості розвитку ідей партисипаторної та деліберативної демократії в сучасному політичному дискурсі. Автор визначає взаємозв'язок між формуванням відповідних концептуальних моделей демократії та політичною практикою, що супроводжується «емоційним» забарвленням демократичної ідеї, використанням її як символу боротьби за розширення прав та свобод громадян або як засобу «наближення» органів влади до громадян.Розглянуто характерні риси партисипаторної і деліберативної демократії та особливості впровадження їх інструментів у політичну практику. Відзначено, що низка таких інструментів вже широко застосовується в європейських країнах. Це стосується, зокрема, референдумів, онлайн обговорень проектів державних рішень, дорадчих органів. Україна також не стоїть осторонь цих процесів – запроваджено проведення консультацій з громадськістю, створення громадських рад при органах виконавчої влади, електронні петиції, практики громадського бюджетування та ін. Водночас розвиток партисипаторних та деліберативних практик в Україні відбувається імпульсивно, під впливом виборчих кампаній або внаслідок суспільних протестів.Увагу зосереджено не лише на позитивному впливі інструментів партисипаторної та деліберативної демократії на політичну систему, але й на можливому негативному впливі. Зокрема, розглянуто приклади ускладнення ними прийняття рішень, дестабілізації внутрішньої і зовнішньої політики. На прикладі виборчих програм кандидатів на пост Президента України показано, як ідеї партисипаторної та деліберативної демократії за необхідності можуть стати популістськими гаслами, що водночас характерне для політичного дискурсу не лише в Україні, але й в розвинених країнах Заходу.

SRC DATA SUGGEST THAT RELINCE UPON TELEVISION NEWS PRO/ GRAMS IS ASSOCIATED WITH FEELINGS OF INEFFLCACY AND POLLTICAL SELF-DOUBT. THESE DATA ALSO INDICATE THAT RELIANCE UPON NEWS PROGRAMS FOSTERS CYNICISM, DISTRUST POLITICAL INSTABILITY, AND FRUSTRATION WITH CIVIL RIGHTS. THE TWO SETS OF DATA IMDLY THAT THE NETWORKS HELPED TO CREATE SCAMMON'S SOCIAL ISSUE AND SUPPORT FOR GEORGE WALLACE.

Since scholarly interest in corporate social responsibility (CSR) has primarily focused on the synergies between social and economic performance, our understanding of how (and the conditions under which) companies use CSR to produce policy outcomes that work against public welfare has remained comparatively underdeveloped. In particular, little is known about how corporate decision-makers privately reconcile the conflicts between public and private interests, even though this is likely to be relevant to understanding the limitations of CSR as a means of aligning business activity with the broader public interest. This study addresses this issue using internal tobacco industry documents to explore British-American Tobacco's (BAT) thinking on CSR and its effects on the company's CSR Programme. The article presents a three-stage model of CSR development, based on Sykes and Matza's theory of techniques of neutralization, which links together: how BAT managers made sense of the company's declining political authority in the mid-1990s; how they subsequently justified the use of CSR as a tool of stakeholder management aimed at diffusing the political impact of public health advocates by breaking up political constituencies working towards evidence-based tobacco regulation; and how CSR works ideologically to shape stakeholders' perceptions of the relative merits of competing approaches to tobacco control. Our analysis has three implications for research and practice. First, it underlines the importance of approaching corporate managers' public comments on CSR critically and situating them in their economic, political and historical contexts. Second, it illustrates the importance of focusing on the political aims and effects of CSR. Third, by showing how CSR practices are used to stymie evidence-based government regulation, the article underlines the importance of highlighting and developing matrices to assess the negative social impacts of CSR.