Suchergebnisse

This text to be published in a handbook of political science offers a political sociology of the judiciary. ; Ce texte à paraître dans un Manuel de science politique propose une sociologie politique du pouvoir judiciaire.

based on exhumated data from the school archives, school data and interviews with pedagogical leaders. A first version was presented to the technological controversy of the Institut National des Sciences Appliés de Lyon (National Institute of Applied Sciences, Lyon) on 8 November 2007. Recruitment of engineers is at the heart of a dual challenge of technical knowledge and the sovereignty of society as a whole over the scientific choices of the future. The diversity of recruits could be a means of maintaining permeability between the sphere of scientific and technical knowledge and that of social practice. The question of the diversity of students in engineers then refers to the purpose of science and its applications and the way in which it is controlled by the social world. The statistical observation of the socio-occupational and gender origins of INSA-Lyon students, their representativeness in relation to the French population, is also asked about the conditions defining a good engineer in the sense of civil and social responsibility. A lack of diversity in the job creates stronger requirements in recruitment or training. From a homogeneous and poorly open environment, what opportunities exist to ensure the capacity of a systemic and altruistic vision, including an interest in the sustainable human, social and environmental consequences of decisions? Returning to Humanism, prioritising culture in its diversity and ethics among future engineers seems to be a necessary way of making the exercise of the profession at the service of the public interest and maintaining its legitimacy in the implementation of the technical choices that determine the future of societies. ; A partir de données exhumées des archives de l'école, de données de scolarité et d'entretiens avec des responsables pédagogiques. Une première version a été présentée aux Controverses technologiques de l'Institut National des Sciences Appliquées de Lyon, le 8 novembre 2007 Le recrutement des élèves ingénieurs est au cœur d'un double enjeu de ...

Dafür, dass Christen sich auch in Parteien organisieren sollen, so der Verfasser, spricht, dass Parteien die zentrale Verbindung zwischen der Zivilgesellschaft, in der Kirchen und christliche Organisationen vorwiegend wirken, und dem staatlichen Bereich von Parlamenten und Regierungen darstellen. Zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure können zwar durch Beeinflussung der öffentlichen Meinung, politisches Lobbying, Demonstrationen oder Petitionen auf die politische Willensbildung Einfluss nehmen, der tatsächliche Einfluss hängt aber wesentlich davon ab, ob zivilgesellschaftliches Engagement auch von Parteien und im staatlichen Sektor rezipiert wird. So haben lokale Bürgerinitiativen im Umweltbereich die Erfahrung gemacht, dass nicht nur eine überregionale Zusammenarbeit auf der nationalen politischen Bühne ausreicht, um ihre Ziele zu erreichen, sondern dass man die Gründung von Parteien (Die Grünen), die Mitarbeit in Parlamenten und darüber hinaus in Regierungen benötigt, um eigene Ziele durchzusetzen. Für Christen bleibt Politik, so die These, immer etwas Vorläufiges und Relatives. Sie werden daher politische Ideologien mit umfassendem Weltanschauungscharakter und Erlösungsanspruch zurückweisen. Solche Ansprüche können sie aufgrund der christlichen Anthropologie, die um die Anfälligkeit der Menschen für sachliche und moralische Irrtümer weiß, nicht annehmen. Weiterhin sollte der christliche Glaube politisch handelnde Christen ermuntern, über die Vertretung ihrer eigenen Interessen hinauszugehen und sich durch einen Gerechtigkeitssinn auszuzeichnen, der die Interessen anderer, auch von Nichtwählern, z. B. kommender Generationen, Ausländer, der 'Dritten Welt', einbezieht. Das Handeln von Christen in der Politik steht unter dem Selbstanspruch, einen Beitrag zu größerer Gerechtigkeit in der Gesellschaft zu leisten. (ICF2)

International audience ; We propose an innovative method for the decomposition of factors associated with inequalities in the use of health care. We analyze individual data and make use of microsimulations to evaluate the effect of heterogeneity of individual behaviors on inequality in access to care. Our study employs methods that, unlike earlier work, permits evaluation of heterogeneity of individual behaviors. We provide an application of this method by decomposing inequality of health care use in France in 1998. We show that half of the inequity in access to care is due to the heterogeneity of behaviors relative to the rank of individuals in the income distribution. This approach reconciles Oaxaca-like decompositions of inequality, focused on outcome gaps, with analyses involving decompositions of inequality by factors, focused on inequity indices.

International audience ; We propose an innovative method for the decomposition of factors associated with inequalities in the use of health care. We analyze individual data and make use of microsimulations to evaluate the effect of heterogeneity of individual behaviors on inequality in access to care. Our study employs methods that, unlike earlier work, permits evaluation of heterogeneity of individual behaviors. We provide an application of this method by decomposing inequality of health care use in France in 1998. We show that half of the inequity in access to care is due to the heterogeneity of behaviors relative to the rank of individuals in the income distribution. This approach reconciles Oaxaca-like decompositions of inequality, focused on outcome gaps, with analyses involving decompositions of inequality by factors, focused on inequity indices.

This paper reviews the arguments for and against the 'Stability and Growth Pact' signed by the countries of the Euro area. We find the theoretical debate to be inconclusive, as both externality and credibility arguments can be used to yield opposite, and equally plausible conclusions. We also argue that evidence in favour of a Pact-like rule is scant. We therefore suggest the view that the Stability Pact is a public social norm, and that a country's adherence to that norm is in fact a response to the need to preserve reputation among the other members of the European Union. Using this extreme but not implausible hypothesis, we build a simple model similar in spirit to Akerlof's (1980) seminal paper on social norms, and we show that reputation issues may cause the emergence of a stable but inferior equilibrium. We further show that after the enlargement, with a number of countries anxious to prove their 'soundness' joining the club, the problems posed by the pact/social norm are likely to increase.

This paper reviews the arguments for and against the 'Stability and Growth Pact' signed by the countries of the Euro area. We find the theoretical debate to be inconclusive, as both externality and credibility arguments can be used to yield opposite, and equally plausible conclusions. We also argue that evidence in favour of a Pact-like rule is scant. We therefore suggest the view that the Stability Pact is a public social norm, and that a country's adherence to that norm is in fact a response to the need to preserve reputation among the other members of the European Union. Using this extreme but not implausible hypothesis, we build a simple model similar in spirit to Akerlof's (1980) seminal paper on social norms, and we show that reputation issues may cause the emergence of a stable but inferior equilibrium. We further show that after the enlargement, with a number of countries anxious to prove their 'soundness' joining the club, the problems posed by the pact/social norm are likely to increase.