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Searching for Truth in the Transitional Justice Movement examines calls for a truth commission to redress the brutal war during the breakup of the former Yugoslavia, the decades-long armed conflict in Colombia, and US detention policies in the War on Terror. In so doing, it argues that transitional justice is an idea around which a loosely structured movement emerged and professionalized, making truth commissions a standard response to mass violence. By exploring how this movement developed, as well as efforts to make truth commissions in the Balkans, Colombia, and the US, this book explains different processes through which political actors translate new legal ideas such as transitional justice into political action. Further, it reveals how the malleability of transitional justice and truth commissions is both an asset and a liability for those hoping to ensure accountability, improve survivor well-being, and prevent future violence

Purpose: For years, the Arts and Health (AaH) movement has been guided by values of art for art's sake, practitioner as Artist and artist as Outsider. These values are instrumental to the effectiveness of AaH as a relational and process-driven tool for individual empowerment, collective health activism and social change. This paper explores how the AaH movement, together with the artists operating as AaH practitioners, has responded to the political and economic and policy transitions of recent years. Methodology: This paper critically analyses and updates the frequently-cited Diamond model of Smith (2003) and Macnaughton, White and Stacy (2005) exploring how and why, within a UK context of neoliberalism, austerity and evidence-based practice, AaH is being increasingly drawn into the methods and governance of medical and rehabilitative services. Findings: Whenever AaH in the UK is governed by health services, it becomes reconceptualised as therapy or treatment. It risks relinquishing its artistic and philosophical identity and distinctive effectiveness. Originality: This paper builds upon the Diamond model to present two new models, the Stalactite and the Helictite. These new models conceptualise the current situation and the potential future fragmentation of the AaH movement, highlighting how AaH might remain faithful to its core values.

Purpose: For years, the Arts and Health (AaH) movement has been guided by values of art for art's sake, practitioner as Artist and artist as Outsider. These values are instrumental to the effectiveness of AaH as a relational and process-driven tool for individual empowerment, collective health activism and social change. This paper explores how the AaH movement, together with the artists operating as AaH practitioners, has responded to the political and economic and policy transitions of recent years. Methodology: This paper critically analyses and updates the frequently-cited Diamond model of Smith (2003) and Macnaughton, White and Stacy (2005) exploring how and why, within a UK context of neoliberalism, austerity and evidence-based practice, AaH is being increasingly drawn into the methods and governance of medical and rehabilitative services. Findings: Whenever AaH in the UK is governed by health services, it becomes reconceptualised as therapy or treatment. It risks relinquishing its artistic and philosophical identity and distinctive effectiveness. Originality: This paper builds upon the Diamond model to present two new models, the Stalactite and the Helictite. These new models conceptualise the current situation and the potential future fragmentation of the AaH movement, highlighting how AaH might remain faithful to its core values.

This book describes the role of social policy in the context of globalization and rapidly changing economies and societies in Asia. It compares the social policy experience of a number of countries with a focus on East Asian (China, Indonesia, Vietnam), and South Asian (India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka) models and experiences. Over the last decade, particularly since the Asian financial crisis, extension of social protection to people affected by crisis has been a major theme in national and international policy debates. In comparing the way social policy has evolved and studying its effects in va

International audience ; Thank God for the Catholic Church!', Fassin quotes an imagined gender studies expert, as the anti-gender movement is gaining momentum in France. My response reflects on an issue that remains unaddressed in this volume: what are the consequences of the increasing public exposure of gender studies as a profession due to the surge of anti-gender movements? Recently gender studies scholars can indeed not complain about the lack of wider social interest in their work-just the opposite is true. In Poland, 'gender' was chosen as the word of the year in 2013. The mailboxes of gender studies faculty members have been filled with emails with queries about their research and invitations to public debates in different media. Can the profession of academic feminism meet the expectations of what Fassin calls the 'double exposure', as anti-gender movements, demonstrations, and discourse brought not only national but also international recognition to gender studies scholars (Pető 2016)? And in what sense is this different from 'mainstreaming' gender, which has been the aim of gender studies professionals? While attacking gender studies as an academic discipline, the anti-gender movements are gaining much support all over in Europe (Kovács 2017: 175-189). Some representatives are connected to different churches, while some are strong non-believers who draw upon an anti-gender position to criticize neoliberalism (Grzebalska 2016). These movements are not only piggybacking upon anti-feminist sentiments that continue to be popular, they are also substantially different. The public exposure of gender as an analytical concept and gender studies as scholarship has made the profession even more political as it found itself in the midst of an open political struggle that lead to a 'paradoxical recognition', as Fassin put it. Gender studies always had a strong and dialogic relationship with social activism. This new situation, however, convinced those who, in recent years, hoped to see the future of gender ...

The article analyzes the social transformations that have taken place in societies at the turn of the XXI century. These transformations are largely due to formation of radical inequality which is known now both in practice and theory as "1% economy".The article demonstrates that adequate understanding of this new type of social inequality is possible only under the condition of change in methodological approach. Contstructivist approach should be given up in favour of structuralist approach. The structuralist approach makes it possible to view the new social inequality as an objective social process as the social structure of a new type of society. This social structure and social order determine social chances and life conditions of individuals.New radical social inequality gives rise to a new type of contemporary society. The bipolar society replaces the mass middle class society of the second half of the XX century. The bipolar society may be graphically presented as a pyramid with a truncated top and a broad social bottom.The article shows the processes and mechanisms that are forming this broad social bottom. This makes it possible to conceptualize the new social lower class as an axial central component in the structure of contemporary bipolar societies. In this function it has replaced the middle class.

Europe has been living with a slogan which has clear-cut Orwellian connotations: FIGHT FOR PEACE. Whereas the basis and attitudes of Western independent peace movements are commonly known and widely publicised, in Central and Eastern Europe this is true only about the World Peace Council and its official national branches: they are in fact parts of the state apparatus, transmission devices for furthering the aims of the Soviet Union. However, the unofficial and truly independent peace movements in that part of Europe come to the surface mostly in connection with the imprisonment or harassment of their supporters, or — from time to time — in an isolated exchange of views between some Eastern peace activist and his Western counterpart in the Western mass media. The value of such exchanges has often been limited on both sides by the lack of information, the main reason for this being that the activities and very existence of independent peace groups in East European countries are regarded by the governments concerned as a top state secret. In this issue of Index on Censorship we attempt to overcome the barriers of 'peace censorship'. The following essay by Professor Bedřich Placák (former spokesman of Czechoslovakia's Charter 77) gives an insight into the general way of thinking of East European intellectuals on the problems of peace. The other three articles focus on the actual situation of the independent peace movements in the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic and Hungary.

Every government in the world introduced restrictions to human mobility – that is, the movement of persons across and within state borders – in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Such restrictions thus constituted a global phenomenon, but they were by no means globally uniform; rather, they varied significantly between and within states, as well as over time. This research note presents different data sources for studying the drivers and outcomes of mobility restrictions, highlighting specific ways in which the data can be used. We begin by surveying seven new databases capturing various aspects of the regulation of human movement during the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing inspiration from research on previous pandemics, we then outline five possible research avenues prompted by these data. We suggest that explaining the causes and consequences of such restrictions, as well as the differences between them, can significantly advance research on the governance of mobility, migration, and citizenship.

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