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The article presents a comparative study on collective perceptions in gender attitudes and marriage strategies approved by the representatives of the Russian ethnic group. The empirical basis for comparison combines obtrusive and unobtrusive methods. In 2014– 2015 we conducted a questionnaire survey among Russian residents of St. Petersburg (the sample was quoted by sex and age, it included 503 participants). Later, in 2017–2019, we performed a non-reactive analysis on the Russian communities in VKontakte network (sample was divided by value orientations, the total number of individual users included 1.051 million people). Big data analytics services, digital Ethnography methods and projective techniques helped us to answer the following questions: – What features does a "just Russian woman" and a "just Russian man" have in the collective consciousness? – What are the structural differences in these perceptions? – How are gender and marriage stereotypes manifested in the "real world" and in cyberspace? Thus, we obtained the conclusion that gendered patterns in both studies changed much more slowly than the models of the marital relationship. In both studies, the content of Russian women portrait was more detailed than the image of a Russian man. Russian social media users have demonstrated a commitment to the Patriarchal model, which was less evident in the questionnaire. In addition, the high level of radicalism and obvious religious values were the reason why women were more consistent with gender and marriage attitudes in the virtual environment.

In the recent years, cyberspace has become an incubator for feminist activism. Cyberfeminism has gained momentum through various online platforms, campaigns, movements, and galvanized women (and – to a certain extent – men) to "move beyond the hashtag" and engage in actions meant to drive socio-political change. The Women's March on Washington in January 2016, for instance, was triggered by a Facebook post, and turned into an unprecedented women's activism action, replicating across the globe. A more recent movement, #MeToo, has emerged into cyberspace and raised issues of credibility, as it tapped into a culture of gender inequality and power relations that created and fostered an environment of intimidation and silence. The unprecedented wave of sexual harassment allegations brought to surface countless confessions from regular women and celebrities who have been pivotal in raising awareness on this issue. However, this cyberfeminist movement also intensified the cyberbullying phenomenon, as the mechanisms of storytelling engaged in #MeToo have not only generated a wave of gendered solidarity, but also one of trivializing – even bashing – such stories, and the individuals who reported previous incidents on social media. This paper analyzes the emergence and development of the #MeToo movement in Romania in the fall of 2017, focusing on storytelling mechanisms employed on Facebook and effects on user behavior, an assessment of social media users' navigation of the phenomenon, in terms of solidarity networks and bullying generated by Romanian women's tackling of a cultural taboo.

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine how institutionalised patriarchy triggers work-life-balance (WLB) challenges for Nigerian female medical doctors. It is focused on Nigeria to understand how its unique institutional context poses WLB challenges.Design/methodology/approachRelying on exploratory qualitative approach based on 41 semi-structured interviews with female medical doctors in Nigeria and informed by institutional theory (IT), this study explores how patriarchal institutions create, maintain and transmit male dominance, exploitation and inequality in the family, workplace and larger society.FindingsThe findings of this study show that patriarchy exists not only in family but also in all structures and institutions that allow for control of women by men and further inequality and exploitation of women. It was also found that in contrast to research in the west, WLB challenges stemming from Nigeria's patriarchal institutions are significantly different because of the peculiar institutional frameworks framing them. Also, WLB challenges for female physicians while common to female doctors in western countries are more intense in developing countries, given their unique sociocultural and institutional realities.Research limitations/implicationsThe implications of this study are that WLB challenges of female doctors are not fundamentally driven by individual choices but by broader contextual issues, which create and sustain such challenges. Further studies can be undertaken in private hospitals including quantitative approaches.Originality/valueThis research thus contributes to both institutional theory and WLB discourse from the perspective of developing countries.

PurposeThis study aims to use the framework of customer dominant logic to explore the mediating role of service co-creation on the relationships between customer involvement and perceived service performance and between customer involvement and word-of-mouth (WOM). It also investigates the moderating role of customer relational-motivational orientation on the relationship between customer involvement and service co-creation.Design/methodology/approachA questionnaire survey was conducted to collect responses from 289 Hong Kong's customers in different service settings. Structural equation modeling was used to test the proposed research model.FindingsThe results of structural equation modeling showed that the freedom of co-creation and the degree of collaboration fully mediated the effect of customer involvement on perceived service performance and WOM. Additionally, relational-motivational orientation moderated the relationships between customer involvement and the freedom of co-creation and between customer involvement and the degree of collaboration.Practical implicationsThis research provides implications to managers on how to facilitate an environment that stimulates customer co-creation. Customer-contact employees must be trained with the necessary interpersonal skills to serve customers with different levels of relational-motivational orientation.Originality/valueThe study is one of the first to identify customer involvement as a key antecedent of service co-creation attributes and the moderating role of relational-motivational orientation on the relationships between customer involvement and service co-creation attributes.

Abstract

Abelard's Rule. The Paraclet convent and its order. Petrus Abaelardus is the man who divides opinion. This was already the case during his lifetime, and it also becomes evident in current research. It is striking that even though a number of studies have appeared on his capacity as a philosopher, not many discuss him as a theologian and even fewer as the founder of an order. The following article will address this unique aspect. Even though reference will be made to examples of the monastic life of women in the 12th century. Above all an attempt should be made to perceive this role as founder of an order as the logical evolution of Abaelard's previous development and as the consistent continuation of his theological work. What role did Abaelard play as the founder of a convent for women? What developments had led to this role in the first place? How was the interaction with Heloise, who became the first abbess of the Paraclet convent? Why was the convent's rule only ever formulated theoretically, but never realised and implemented? In any case, the radically spiritual fresh start which had emerged in the correspondence between Heloise and Abelard, did not take place. Abaelard's rule, however, remains the fascinating legacy of a man who managed to transform the traumatic experience of castration into deep spirituality. This spirituality turned out to be an extension of his critical dialectic, coupled with the passionate piety of the Middle Ages.

The research objectives are to discuss the implementation of gender mainstreaming policies in the implementation of the duties and functions of the DPR and to compile a new concept from the results of the discussion on the implementation of gender mainstreaming policies in the implementation of the tasks and functions of the Indonesian Parliament. The implementation of gender mainstreaming policies in the implementation of the duties and functions of the DPR is not yet optimal to support the realization of gender equality and justice in the life of society, nation, and state, especially to improve the position, role, and quality of women. With the Grindle public policy implementation model it can be revealed the performance of gender mainstreaming policies according to the parameters of interests affected; type of benefits; the extent of change envisioned; site of decision making; implementor program; committed resource; power, interests, and strategies of actors involved; institution and regime characteristic; compliance and responsiveness. The new concept structured on the Strategy for Implementing Gender Mainstreaming Policies in National Development with the definition: Strategy for Implementing Gender Mainstreaming Policies in National Development is a structured strategy, tips and ways in implementing policies, programs, and activities to increase the position, role, and quality of women to realize equality and gender justice consisting of formal legality strategies, structural synergy strategies, cultural adaptation strategies, and individual strengthening strategies.

Abstract

Aims
This paper analyses the content of news media messages on drinking during pregnancy in Australia over an 18-year period to understand whether and how the nature of messages communicated to women has changed over time.


Methods
Factiva was used to search Australian newspapers from 2000 to 2017, resulting in a sample of 1394 articles from the 18 major national and state-based newspapers. Content analysis of articles was undertaken, and Poisson regression analysis was used to assess changes over time.


Results
The largest number of articles on drinking during pregnancy was published in 2007. Themes that significantly increased over time included Harms to the Child (from 0.97% in 2008 to 29.69% in 2015) and Prevention Initiatives (from 0% in 2005 to 12.50% in 2017). Articles endorsing women not consuming alcohol during pregnancy significantly increased over time (from 20.69% in 2001 to 53.78% in 2013), matched by a decreasing trend in the proportion of articles presenting mixed advice (from 15.93% in 2009 to 0% in 2017). The largest number of articles adopted no position in relation to women's consumption.


Conclusions
A stronger abstinence message during pregnancy has been communicated through Australian newspaper media over time. The mixed messaging and large number of articles not endorsing a position on consumption may reflect the inconclusiveness of the evidence on harms from low to moderate levels of alcohol consumption during pregnancy. Opportunities remain for researchers to work with public health advocates to disseminate balanced messages based on evidence-based research.

Following women's careers in STEAM can be compared to a leaking pipeline, which leaks in so many ways that, in the end, it is empty before it reaches leading professional positions. However, even before, girls do not opt for STEAM studies, and one of the main reasons is their lack of confidence: both self-confidence and trust in other people. Girls see the potential of women in many fields, but when asked directly, they do not see themselves as able to be good scientists or technologists. This lack of confidence is what we found in the Inspira STEAM project, aimed at increasing the interest in STEAM of girls in primary education and promoting scientific and technological careers. The project consisted of six one-hour sessions following group mentoring methodology at school-hours carried out by female professionals in STEAM as close reference models. Mentors were trained in the methodology, gender perspective and materials developed for the sessions. After completing the program girls, boys and mentors completed a questionnaire about their experience. Results show great satisfaction of participants with the program but less self-confidence in the performance of mentors. Also, girls show high confidence in what women are able to achieve, but not so much in what they, personally, can achieve related to science and technology. These results have great relevance to understanding the confidence gap and figuring out how to close it.

Alongside the rapid political and social change post Arab Spring, Libyan writers were constantly producing volumes of literary work, whether in print or online, to reflect on the socio-political issues in the society. Among these writers is Libyan lawyer and writer Azza Al-Maghour; Al-Maghour has published a great many short stories during and after the revolution. What makes her work distinctive is that she not only narrates fictional events, but that she simultaneously reflects on the Libyan reality post revolution; and her voice, she is the voice of the people. Her narrative style is structured as a cultural and intellectual revolution. Using a critical discourse analysis, this paper will examine how Al-Maghour contributes to the socio-political construction of Libyan society, and argues that Al-Maghour`s narrative structure, story frame, language style, and word connotations are used as tools to channel her political views. This paper will pay special attention to Al-Maghour`s discussions of women rights, social justice, and Libyan nationalism through her story settings and her characters. This paper begins by giving a brief overview of the context of Libyan women in the aftermath of the 2011 revolution, followed by Azza Al-Maghour`s biography. The paper will then present an analysis of her stories through language, style, story structure, socio-political discussions, and her contribution as a Libyan female writer to the context of the post Arab Spring.

AbstractIn 1845, the banker Damodar Dass of Srirangapatna loaned a large sum of money to Maharaja Krishnaraja Wodeyar III of Mysore. For the next seven decades, until the unpaid debt was turned into public charity, the multiple claims of Damodar Dass's heirs to this inheritance led the colonial state and the Mysore government (especially after 1881) to form a substantial archive. Occupying the foreground of this archive were the legal dilemmas posed by the transition from direct to indirect British rule in Mysore, involving the fate of kingship, debt, reciprocality, and masculine honour. Other legal dilemmas concerned the relationship between scriptural and customary law and, in particular, the portability of customary law between regions that were unevenly exposed to Anglo-Indian legal regimes. The claims also reveal the important ways in which a new moral order was being shaped as the relationship between the colonial regime and the princely state (or later its bureaucracy) was defined and the status of four female heirs was called into question. Additionally, the archive has the potential to disturb the univocality of this statist discourse. A third narrative may be uncovered that involves the 'small voices of history'. What hopes did this era of profound transformation hold for women of the non-domestic sphere? What, moreover, can the women in these archives be heard to say about the truth of their times?

Analysing feminist responses to the (mainstream) media coverage of the sexual assaults of New Year's Eve 2015 in Cologne, this article shows how a theoretical concept that is used to frame feminist arguments can influence the strength of those arguments. German-speaking media extensively reported on the large number of sexual assaults against women that happened during that night in Cologne. The dominant narrative in those media reports dwells on the circumstance that the arrested suspects all had a refugee or migrant background, which assisted right-wing politics in re-creating a racist stereotype about male refugees and migrants being a threat to western women. Feminist responses to that media discourse insisted that rape culture was a cross-cultural phenomenon and that media as well as political analyses of the assaults need to take into account an understanding of intersectionality. Based on a content analysis of twenty-five feminist texts about the events of 'Cologne', I argue that the application of the concept of intersectionality created contradictions and argumentative voids within the – otherwise strong – feminist arguments because it conflated sexist and racist dynamics, which were both present in the context of 'Cologne' but not always intersecting. I further argue that these contradictions unintentionally aided the right-wing co-option of feminist demands concerning 'Cologne' and I suggest that the theoretical concept of femonationalism is better equipped to analyse events like 'Cologne'.

Gender bias in the media coverage of political elections has long been theorized as a major obstacle to women's success in elections and their institutional representation. However, this view of persistent media bias against women politicians is increasingly subject to pressure by inconsistent evidence of size and patterns of gender bias. This paper argues that some of these inconsistencies derive from a lack of attention to contextual influences of electoral coverage. This study analyzes gender bias in the amount and content of media coverage in the run-up to Swiss federal elections in 2015 by means of a quantitative content analysis. Drawing on an extensive sample of print, online and audiovisual election coverage from the most important tabloid and broadsheet media of three different language regions, the results reveal mixed evidence of gender bias: On the one hand, women candidates remain underrepresented in Swiss media. On the other hand, however, once they are covered by the media, candidates are overwhelmingly presented in a gender-neutral way. Several differences emerge between language regions and media type. Extending the traditional gender bias hypothesis to account for contextual influences, the study illustrates that the geo-cultural and media-specific contextual influences of election coverage impinge on the gendered mediation of candidates together with known drivers of political communication, such as incumbency, the electoral system, and party ideology.

A growing body of evidence suggests that physical activity (PA) can be a complementary intervention during breast cancer (BCa) treatment, contributing to the alleviation of the chemotherapy-related side-effects. The purpose of this study was to assess physical activity (PA) levels and quality of life (QoL) parameters of BCa patients undergoing chemotherapy and compare them with healthy controls. A total of 94 BCa female patients and 65 healthy women were recruited and self-reported QoL and PA levels. The results reveal that women suffering from BCa spent only 134 ± 469 metabolic equivalents (MET)/week in vigorous PAs compared with the healthy females who spent 985±1508 MET/week. Also, BCa patients were spending 4.62±2.58 h/day sitting, contrary to the 2.34±1.05 h/day of the controls. QoL was scored as 63.43±20.63 and 70.14±19.49 while physical functioning (PF) as 71.48±23.35 and 84.46±15.48 by BCa patients and healthy participants, respectively. Negative correlations were found between QoL and fatigue, PF and pain, and fatigue and dyspnea, while a positive correlation was found between QoL and PF. This study indicated that the BCa group accumulated many hours seated and refrained from vigorous Pas, preferring PAs of moderate intensity. Additionally, BCa patients' levels of functioning and QoL were moderate to high; however, they were compromised by pain, dyspnea and fatigue.

The 2017 revitalization of the controversial Security Communities program, which requires local law enforcement to cooperate with federal immigration officials in the United States, has made it urgent to better understand such enforcement programs' effects on the well-being of Latinas/os, especially the foreign-born. Social isolation from increased immigration enforcement can have significant impacts on economic, social, and health outcomes among Latina/o immigrants and non-immigrants. This article analyzes the gendered impacts of different levels of increased local involvement in immigration enforcement on social isolation, using a survey of over 2000 Latinas/os in four large US cities, all considered to be traditional destinations. Unsurprisingly, respondents reported increased social isolation resulting from local law enforcement's involvement in immigration enforcement. In contrast to results from previous research, our analysis found that women and men were equally likely to feel socially isolated and that having children led to more social isolation for both women and men. Personal and vicarious experiences with immigration enforcement, as well as living in Phoenix and Houston — two urban areas with the strictest enforcement regimes — were strongly related to social isolation. Our results indicate that local authorities' increased involvement in immigration enforcement can lead to more social isolation for Latina immigrants, particularly those who have children, aligning their experiences with men's and, thus, undermining Latinas' previously recognized role as bridges between their families and social institutions and as community builders.

Feminism was constituted during the seventies as a multiform and complex political movement, capable of bringing together women of different backgrounds and vital trajectories. The qualitative use of testimonies of militants who took part on the "second feminist wave" in the Basque Country allows us to understand the deep meaning acquired by the movement, in so far as memory operates as a foundational element of political identity. This article is an exercise in the interpretation of feminist memory that shapes a narrative constructed from the present collectively. It aims to historicize the process of shaping feminist identity from the answers that women themselves give to the questions of how and why did you become a feminist? ; El Feminismo se constituyó durante los años setenta como un movimiento político multiforme y complejo, capaz de aglutinar a mujeres de distintas procedencias y trayectorias vitales. El uso cualitativo de testimonios de militantes que formaron parte de la "segunda ola feminista" en el País Vasco permite comprender el significado profundo adquirido por el movimiento, en tanto que la memoria opera como un elemento fundacional de la identidad política. Este artículo es un ejercicio de interpretación de la memoria feminista que conforma una narrativa construida desde el presente de forma colectiva. Tiene el objetivo de historizar el proceso de devenir feminista a partir de las respuestas que las propias mujeres dan a las preguntas de ¿cómo y por qué te hiciste feminista?