Suchergebnisse

Introduction. Public diplomacy is an effective foreign policy instrument of the state. Public diplomacy is understood as the activity of an actor aimed at achieving foreign policy objectives by establishing and deepening long-term interstate relations. The purpose of such activities is to inform foreign audiences as well as broadcast the principles of national policy beyond the borders of one's own state. Public diplomacy is designed to influence those who have the opportunity to shape public belief systems. Methods and materials. The methodological basis of the study was a transnational approach, which allows us to reveal the role of state and non-state actors in international relations. The work uses a systematic approach in order to form a holistic view of American public diplomacy as an instrument of "soft power." To identify the individual tools used by the United States in promoting public diplomacy in each individual Central Asian country, a comparative method was used. Analysis and results. Public diplomacy seems to be an important tool of the American administration in the most important foreign policy areas. The priority instrument of US public diplomacy in the Central Asian region is the support of civil society and non-profit organizations. Using grant support mechanisms, the role of public organizations is strengthened, and dialogue between civil society and government authorities is encouraged in the formation and development of socio-economic policy. The second relevant tool is media support and working with information consumers among various segments of the population. According to the results of the study, it was revealed that these projects were most effectively implemented in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan. The third most successful tool is education, whose work is based on grant programs both in the republics and in the United States. Systematic work carried out, taking into account a deep understanding of the internal processes in the Central Asian republics as well as the active use of public diplomacy tools, allows the United States to strengthen its foreign policy potential in the region.

This study analyzes the degree of influence of international tension due to anti-Russian sanctions on relations between Russia and Norway at the governmental and regional levels, including political, economic, environmental, cultural, and other spheres. The authors begin by discussing how Norway's accession to anti-Russian sanctions and active involvement in NATO have affected bilateral relations, especially in the economic and political spheres. The presented work is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. The methodological framework for writing the article is the model of neoliberal institutionalism and constructivism. The source base of the study, in addition to publications in periodicals, consists of official documents regulating the foreign policy activities of Russia and Norway. The article attempts to structure the relations of the two Arctic neighbouring countries under new international conditions by highlighting two levels of interaction – governmental and regional – as well as critical elements, including issues of economic cooperation, mutual sanctions, cooperation in the field of environmental protection and fisheries, cooperation between the two countries in Spitsbergen, cooperation in science, culture, and education; and regional cooperation between Russia and Norway in the North and the Arctic. The article discusses to what extent security issues affect the development of the Russian-Norwegian dialogue in using the NSR as a transport route and problematic issues around Spitsbergen. Finally, the authors consider what practical measures are being taken by Russia and Norway to mitigate the general international tension in the bilateral dialogue using public diplomacy in the framework of strengthening and expanding contacts through the Barents Cooperation and interaction at the level of municipalities as well as universities in Russia and Norway. The authors conclude that notwithstanding geopolitical tensions, regional cooperation due to common borders, cultural and historical heritage, and the geo-economic relationship could be the primary drivers for the revival of ties between the two countries. Authors' contribution. Jawahar Vishnu Bhagwat developed the concept of the study and worked out its theoretical and methodological foundations. I.V. Rogachev analyzed the policies of Russia and Norway in various areas of bilateral cooperation and formulated the final conclusions.

Increased attention is nowadays devoted to waste management. The objective of this work is to analyse how commonly known business economic models and methods, as well as the Polluter-Pays Principle, can be applied to waste management in general and to waste fractionation in particular, so as to facilitate environmental optimisation of industrial and construction waste fractionation. In discussing the functionality of the modified models arrived at, systems theory is applied in order to get a scientifically adequate picture of the societal context of the models. A further objective is to investigate certain aspects of construction waste management economic model theory through case studies. Thereby, the applicability of modified versions of the above mentioned business economic models applied in construction waste management is tested. Generally, the work is performed in order to provide flexible management instruments adapted to changing demands. The economic model methods are studied and modified from a waste management point of view. In this context, the "equality principle" introduced earlier (Stenis, 2002), interpreted as equality between (industrial) waste and normal products in business economic terms, is applied. "The model for Efficient Use of Resources for Optimal Production Economy (EUROPE)", is introduced for assigning industrial costs and revenues to waste by the employment of so-called shadow prices. The modified, mainly cost assessment oriented, methods are evaluated from a business economics perspective in relation to waste management. The effort in this work represents a shift of views within the field of waste management. This shift is consistent with the concept of sustainable development. Also, the present study represents general environmental and financial advantages for society at large. It is concluded that the findings point at the partly fruitful possibility to modify commonly used cost benefit estimation methods and contribution margin analysis including the Polluter-Pays Principle (PPP) in a practical industrial and, to a certain extent, a practical construction waste management context by the use of the equality principle. Therefore, it can be said that construction waste management can be carried out by using certain (modified) economic models. Summarised, the major findings of the work are as follows: 1) Presentation of an alternative way of looking at industrial waste in a business context; 2) Introduction of the EUROPE model for assigning costs to industrial waste to be used in conjunction with the introduced equality principle to provide long term recommendations regarding waste involving the use of "environmental shadow prices"; 3) Presentation of how the Polluter-Pays Principle can be incorporated into the financial accounts of a manufacturing company by the employment of the equality principle in conjunction with the introduced concept of the "environmental adjustment cost"; 4) Proposal for a shift of views within the field of waste management. Summarised, the recommendations for the future in this work are as follows: 1) As regards general industrial conditions, commonly used cost benefit methods, the contribution margin method and the Polluter-Pays Principle approach are suggested to be applied in a modified way through the use of the EUROPE model, the basis being the equality principle introduced. 2) As regards construction management conditions, the average cost estimation method is suggested to be applied in a modified way through the use of the EUROPE model, the basis being the equality principle introduced.

El artículo analiza las dinámicas fronterizas desde el comienzo del siglo XX a través de una revisión bibliográfica apoyada en el análisis de datos cuantitativos y dos casos de estudio. La tesis central es que existe un conflicto entre las fronteras culturales y las político-territoriales, desafiando los límites geográficos reconocidos oficialmente. La frontera político-territorial es un fenómeno jurídico, una demarcación lineal que establece los límites espaciales dentro de los cuales el estado nación ejerce la soberanía de forma exclusiva, eficaz, autónoma respecto al exterior y bajo el reconocimiento de la legislación internacional. La frontera cultural es un fenómeno histórico que responde a hechos vitales y no a una construcción jurídica ni política ni intelectual. Podemos definirla como un área sociocultural habitada por una población que comparte una serie de elementos simbólicos, costumbres y valores. La gestión del conflicto entre los dos tipos de frontera depende de los desarrollos históricos que tienen lugar en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales Nuestra tesis muestra que dichas dinámicas pueden articularse en torno a tres ejes. El primero está guiado por el auge del proceso globalizador y la consecuente apertura de fronteras. La apertura de fronteras puede definirse como el aumento en la porosidad de los símbolos, costumbres y valores compartidos en un área sociocultural respecto a los del exterior y/o la disminución de barreras al tránsito físico. Se le contrapone otro eje que lleva al cierre de fronteras, espoleado por los procesos de descolonización, la disolución de la URSS y el resurgir del nacionalismo. El cierre de fronteras se define como la disminución de la porosidad fronteriza o el aumento de las barreras al tránsito físico. El tercer eje está marcado por las disputas territoriales, fundadas sobre diferencias culturales, que llevan a intentar modificar las fronteras oficiales. La modificación de fronteras se da bien cuando un estado nación busca alargar la línea fronteriza que delimita el área bajo su soberanía o un grupo sociocultural trata de delimitar un territorio soberano frente al exterior, bien cuando un área sociocultural definida se expande o retrae sea por el auge o decline de su cultura sea por el del grupo humano que la representa. Los acontecimientos históricos para el análisis de los tres ejes citados provienen de fuentes bibliográficas, periodísticas y de bases de datos. Además, mostramos como la teoría se plasma en dos casos de estudio actuales, el independentismo catalán y el intento venezolano de crear un nuevo poder regional en el Caribe. ; The article analyses border dynamics since the beginning of the 20th century through a literature review supported with the analysis of quantitative data and two case studies. The central thesis is that there is a contradiction between the cultural and the geopolitical borders, challenging the official territorial limits. The geopolitical border is a legal phenomenon, a lineal boundary that establishes the territorial limits within which the nation-state exercises its sovereignty in an exclusive and effective manner, autonomous with respect to any foreign authority and under the recognition of the international law. The cultural frontier is a historical phenomenon shaped by emotional developments and not a legal, political or philosophical construction. It can be defined as a sociocultural area occupied by a population that shares a series of symbolic elements, customs and values. The management of the conflict between both types of borders depends on the historical developments that have taken place within the international relations' field. In order to analyse how geo-political borders and cultural frontiers interact between them we apply a hypothetic-deductive method. Firstly, we establish a theoretical framework that defines five basic analytical concepts shaping border dynamics. Those concepts are cultural frontier, geo-political border, closure axis, opening axis and modification axis. We design a model that explains how such concepts interact between them and we gather and analyse the evolution of a series of quantitative variables that allow us to empirically introduce their relationship along time. The construction of the theoretical framework, as well as the selection and interpretation of quantitative variables, comes together with the introduction of quotations and bibliography that back it up. Moreover, we apply the conclusions deducted from the global analysis to two case studies. The similarities and differences between both case studies are pointed out and we summarize the dynamics shaping the current management of borders. Finally, we offer some recommendations in order to design an effective and efficient geostrategy.The management of borders is articulated around three axes: closure, opening and modification. In other words, nation-states aim to achieve their geostrategic objectives through the modification, closure or opening of their cultural frontiers or/and geopolitical borders. The opening of borders/frontiers can be defined as the increase in the porosity to the outside world of the symbols, customs and values that are shared within a sociocultural area; and/or the wave of barriers to physical transactions —people, goods, capital flows, etc.—. On the other hand, the closure of borders/frontiers happens when the aforementioned porosity decreases or the barriers are strengthened. Finally, the modification of borders/frontiers can be either expansive or contractive as well as happening in the geopolitical dimension or the cultural one. Regarding the geopolitical dimension, the nation-state aims to expand the lineal boundary that mark out the area under its sovereignty or the sociocultural group aims to delimit to the outside world a territory under its exclusive sovereignty. Concerning the cultural dimension, a specific sociocultural area enlarges or retracts either as a consequence of the rise or decline of its culture or of the human group that embraces it. The evolution of the three axes is proxied by a series of variables and their trends. Moreover, the historical events laying down the foundations of the analysis of the three axes are gathered from different sources: bibliography, newspapers and data bases. Moreover, we show how the theory is captured in two current case studies, the independentism in Catalonia and the Venezuelan attempt to create a new regional power in the Caribbean. While the globalization process fosters the opening of borders, the will of the nation-state to safeguard its historical rights and the international status quo drives its closure. On the other hand, the modification of borders is marked by territorial disputes arising from the contradictions between geopolitical borders and cultural frontiers, often exacerbated by the dynamics related to the two previous axes. The territorial dispute between Venezuela and the Cooperative Republic of Guayana is an example of such a dynamic. On the one hand, the State of Venezuela tries to safeguard its traditional rights presenting the dispute as a national question. At the same time, globalization lengthens cultural boundaries while Venezuela revives the ideological division between a capitalist and a socialist world. The closure of borders and frontiers, marked by the nationalist revival, and the opening, driven by the globalization process, act as a catalyser of borders modification. The article is structured by an introduction and six sections. The introduction defines the concepts of geopolitical border and cultural frontier. Moreover, it establishes the theoretical framework used to analyse the evolution of both types of borders and how the interaction between them shapes international relationships during the 20th and 21st centuries. The first section introduces the three axes —closure, opening and modification— along which the management of borders develops during the period under analyses and the relationships arising between them. The second section analyses the closure axis that is driven by the rise of nationalism, the Cold War and the decolonisation process. We use a series of variables to proxy how such an axis evolved along time: total number of international organizations, creation and end of international organizations, net foreign direct investment flows, international trade of goods, attitude of the government towards immigration and number of United Nations peacekeeping missions. The third section does the same for the opening axis. The opening of borders is fostered by the expansion of economic and political liberalism through the globalization process. We use the same variables as in section two to empirically assess the evolution of the opening axis. Section number four introduces the modification axis and how the changes of borders and frontiers are related to events linked to the opening and closure axes. The section analyses three types of modifications (territorial concessions, declarations of independence and annexations). Data about modifications are gathered from The Correlates of War Project and The World Factbook data bases. Section number five shows how the tension between cultural and geopolitical borders determines the management of borders nowadays, following the three axes of closure, opening and modification outlined above. Firstly, we introduce the case study of Catalonia, which is mainly related to the closure axis. Secondly, we analyse the case study of Guayana Esebequio and the territorial dispute between Venezuela and the Cooperative Republic of Guayana. Finally, we compare the differences and similarities between both case studies. The last section consists of the conclusions and political recommendations that we extract from our research so that policy makers can implement efficient and effective policies on borders managements. ; Border dynamics in the 20-21st Century : a mirror of the world order evolution

The article analyses border dynamics since the beginning of the 20th century through a literature review supported with the analysis of quantitative data and two case studies. The central thesis is that there is a contradiction between the cultural and the geopolitical borders, challenging the official territorial limits. The geopolitical border is a legal phenomenon, a lineal boundary that establishes the territorial limits within which the nation-state exercises its sovereignty in an exclusive and effective manner, autonomous with respect to any foreign authority and under the recognition of the international law. The cultural frontier is a historical phenomenon shaped by emotional developments and not a legal, political or philosophical construction. It can be defined as a sociocultural area occupied by a population that shares a series of symbolic elements, customs and values. The management of the conflict between both types of borders depends on the historical developments that have taken place within the international relations' field. In order to analyse how geo-political borders and cultural frontiers interact between them we apply a hypothetic-deductive method. Firstly, we establish a theoretical framework that defines five basic analytical concepts shaping border dynamics. Those concepts are cultural frontier, geo-political border, closure axis, opening axis and modification axis. We design a model that explains how such concepts interact between them and we gather and analyse the evolution of a series of quantitative variables that allow us to empirically introduce their relationship along time. The construction of the theoretical framework, as well as the selection and interpretation of quantitative variables, comes together with the introduction of quotations and bibliography that back it up. Moreover, we apply the conclusions deducted from the global analysis to two case studies. The similarities and differences between both case studies are pointed out and we summarize the dynamics shaping the current management of borders. Finally, we offer some recommendations in order to design an effective and efficient geostrategy. The management of borders is articulated around three axes: closure, opening and modification. In other words, nation-states aim to achieve their geostrategic objectives through the modification, closure or opening of their cultural frontiers or/and geopolitical borders. The opening of borders/frontiers can be defined as the increase in the porosity to the outside world of the symbols, customs and values that are shared within a sociocultural area; and/or the wave of barriers to physical transactions —people, goods, capital flows, etc.—. On the other hand, the closure of borders/frontiers happens when the aforementioned porosity decreases or the barriers are strengthened. Finally, the modification of borders/frontiers can be either expansive or contractive as well as happening in the geopolitical dimension or the cultural one. Regarding the geopolitical dimension, the nation-state aims to expand the lineal boundary that mark out the area under its sovereignty or the sociocultural group aims to delimit to the outside world a territory under its exclusive sovereignty. Concerning the cultural dimension, a specific sociocultural area enlarges or retracts either as a consequence of the rise or decline of its culture or of the human group that embraces it. The evolution of the three axes is proxied by a series of variables and their trends. Moreover, the historical events laying down the foundations of the analysis of the three axes are gathered from different sources: bibliography, newspapers and data bases. Moreover, we show how the theory is captured in two current case studies, the independentism in Catalonia and the Venezuelan attempt to create a new regional power in the Caribbean. While the globalization process fosters the opening of borders, the will of the nation-state to safeguard its historical rights and the international status quo drives its closure. On the other hand, the modification of borders is marked by territorial disputes arising from the contradictions between geopolitical borders and cultural frontiers, often exacerbated by the dynamics related to the two previous axes. The territorial dispute between Venezuela and the Cooperative Republic of Guayana is an example of such a dynamic. On the one hand, the State of Venezuela tries to safeguard its traditional rights presenting the dispute as a national question. At the same time, globalization lengthens cultural boundaries while Venezuela revives the ideological division between a capitalist and a socialist world. The closure of borders and frontiers, marked by the nationalist revival, and the opening, driven by the globalization process, act as a catalyser of borders modification. The article is structured by an introduction and six sections. The introduction defines the concepts of geopolitical border and cultural frontier. Moreover, it establishes the theoretical framework used to analyse the evolution of both types of borders and how the interaction between them shapes international relationships during the 20th and 21st centuries. The first section introduces the three axes —closure, opening and modification— along which the management of borders develops during the period under analyses and the relationships arising between them. The second section analyses the closure axis that is driven by the rise of nationalism, the Cold War and the decolonisation process. We use a series of variables to proxy how such an axis evolved along time: total number of international organizations, creation and end of international organizations, net foreign direct investment flows, international trade of goods, attitude of the government towards immigration and number of United Nations peacekeeping missions. The third section does the same for the opening axis. The opening of borders is fostered by the expansion of economic and political liberalism through the globalization process. We use the same variables as in section two to empirically assess the evolution of the opening axis. Section number four introduces the modification axis and how the changes of borders and frontiers are related to events linked to the opening and closure axes. The section analyses three types of modifications (territorial concessions, declarations of independence and annexations). Data about modifications are gathered from The Correlates of War Project and The World Factbook data bases. Section number five shows how the tension between cultural and geopolitical borders determines the management of borders nowadays, following the three axes of closure, opening and modification outlined above. Firstly, we introduce the case study of Catalonia, which is mainly related to the closure axis. Secondly, we analyse the case study of Guayana Esebequio and the territorial dispute between Venezuela and the Cooperative Republic of Guayana. Finally, we compare the differences and similarities between both case studies. The last section consists of the conclusions and political recommendations that we extract from our research so that policy makers can implement efficient and effective policies on borders managements. ; El artículo analiza las dinámicas fronterizas desde el comienzo del siglo XX a través de una revisión bibliográfica apoyada en el análisis de datos cuantitativos y dos casos de estudio.La tesis central es que existe un conflicto entre las fronteras culturales y las político-territoriales, desafiando los límites geográficos reconocidos oficialmente. La frontera político-territorial es un fenómeno jurídico, una demarcación lineal que establece los límites espaciales dentro de los cuales el estado nación ejerce la soberanía de forma exclusiva, eficaz, autónoma respecto al exterior y bajo el reconocimiento de la legislación internacional. La frontera cultural es un fenómeno histórico que responde a hechos vitales y no a una construcción jurídica ni política ni intelectual. Podemos definirla como un área sociocultural habitada por una población que comparte una serie de elementos simbólicos, costumbres y valores. La gestión del conflicto entre los dos tipos de frontera depende de los desarrollos históricos que tienen lugar en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionalesNuestra tesis muestra que dichas dinámicas pueden articularse en torno a tres ejes. El primero está guiado por el auge del proceso globalizador y la consecuente apertura de fronteras. La apertura de fronteras puede definirse como el aumento en la porosidad de los símbolos, costumbres y valores compartidos en un área sociocultural respecto a los del exterior y/o la disminución de barreras al tránsito físico. Se le contrapone otro eje que lleva al cierre de fronteras, espoleado por los procesos de descolonización, la disolución de la URSS y el resurgir del nacionalismo. El cierre de fronteras se define como la disminución de la porosidad fronteriza o el aumento de las barreras al tránsito físico. El tercer eje está marcado por las disputas territoriales, fundadas sobre diferencias culturales, que llevan a intentar modificar las fronteras oficiales. La modificación de fronteras se da bien cuando un estado nación busca alargar la línea fronteriza que delimita el área bajo su soberanía o un grupo sociocultural trata de delimitar un territorio soberano frente al exterior, bien cuando un área sociocultural definida se expande o retrae sea por el auge o decline de su cultura sea por el del grupo humano que la representa.Los acontecimientos históricos para el análisis de los tres ejes citados provienen de fuentes bibliográficas, periodísticas y de bases de datos. Además, mostramos como la teoría se plasma en dos casos de estudio actuales, el independentismo catalán y el intento venezolano de crear un nuevo poder regional en el Caribe.

In order to achieve a sustainable growth and to respond to external pressures (regulation, society), firms take more and more frequently into account their social and environmental externalities in the decision-making process, through the development of their Corporate Social Responsibility policy (CSR). Corporate governance appears here as a way to integrate shareholders' and stakeholders' objectives. Is corporate governance a strategic mediator between CSR objectives and firm performance? Is corporate governance a key stone of CSR firm commitment?This dissertation provides both theoretical and empirical evidences in the French case where corporate governance is defined as a hybrid model between the shareholder and stakeholder models. After introducing the dissertation, chapters 2 and 3 investigate the link between firm objectives and performance. From an INSEE national survey on sustainable development, Chapter 2 shows how firm motivations (defensive, pro-social or strategic) is a key determinant of their social, societal and environmental CSR awareness. In particular, firms implementing strategic CSR commit more to the issues related to their strategic stakeholders. CSR motivations may therefore mediate the relationship between CSR commitment and financial performance. Integrating firm objectives, the decision-making process at the top is driven by the board of directors. Chapter 3 theoretically demonstrates how board composition may affect firm outcomes. In particular, the model determines the optimal board functioning (monitoring or advising) depending on the relative cost and benefit of board expertise and independence. After highlighting that board composition is a key determinant of governance effectiveness, the three last chapters explore how corporate governance, and in particular board composition, may achieve some CSR demands from shareholders, stakeholders and society and affect firm outcomes. These chapters rely on empirical studies based on listed companies (SBF120) over the 2006-2014 period. Chapter 4 studies the link between independent directors and operating performance in order to evaluate their efficiency. The independence of directors is indeed usually considered as an answer to shareholders' demands to reduce the conflict of interest with management. We show that in France, independents directors are better selected than affiliated directors in terms of intrinsic ability but suffer from an informational gap. However, this gap may be shortened by industry expertise and/or social connections. Chapter 5 investigates from the shareholder and stakeholder perspectives how board composition is related to CSR commitment. We show that CSR engagement is driven by the reduction of conflicts with stakeholders rather than the creation of private benefit for managers. Stakeholder representation inside the boardroom may therefore affect investment in the different CSR issues. Chapter 6 analyzes how firms comply with the French gender quota of women inside the boardroom in 2014. The quota has indeed broken the glass-ceiling experienced by female managers and increased the number of women in the director labor market. However, female directors earn 6% less in fees than their male counterparts, one third due to their characteristics (age, expertise, tenure.) and two thirds due to their positions (committees) inside the boardroom. Female directors have then experienced an inner glass-ceiling which may jeopardize the positive expected effects of board diversity on firm policy and performances. In conclusion, the discussion provides the main new prospects and research avenues opened up by this dissertation. It focuses attention on the role of corporate governance in the development of CSR and the possible applications in terms of public policy and regulation. ; Afin de participer à une croissance durable de la société, les entreprises développent leur Responsabilité Sociale et Environnementale (RSE). La gouvernance d'entreprise, et en particulier le conseil d'administration, jouent un rôle central en intégrant les objectifs environnementaux et sociaux dans la prise de décisions. La gouvernance est-elle un médiateur stratégique entre objectifs RSE et performances des entreprises ? Est-elle la clé de voûte de l'engagement RSE ? Cette thèse présente des arguments théoriques et empiriques dans le cas français défini comme un modèle hybride (actionnarial-partenarial) de gouvernance. Après un chapitre introduction, les chapitres 2 et 3 analysent le lien entre objectifs et performances des entreprises. A partir d'une enquête INSEE sur le développement durable, le chapitre 2 montre que la motivation RSE (défensive, pro-sociale ou stratégique) détermine le niveau de prise en compte des enjeux sociaux et environnementaux. En particulier, les entreprises mettant en place une RSE stratégique investissent davantage dans les enjeux liés à leurs parties prenantes. Ces résultats suggèrent que la motivation RSE pourrait être un médiateur de la relation RSE-performance. Intégrant les objectifs de l'entreprise, le processus de décision au sommet de l'entreprise est contrôlé par le conseil d'administration. Le chapitre 3 démontre théoriquement comment la composition du conseil affecte les performances de l'entreprise. Le modèle prédit le fonctionnement optimal du conseil (surveillant ou conseillant) en fonction des coûts et bénéfices relatifs de l'expertise par rapport à l'indépendance. Après avoir mis en exergue la composition du conseil d'administration comme facteur déterminant de l'efficience de la gouvernance, les trois chapitres suivants analysent comment la composition du conseil d'administration peut répondre aux demandes RSE de la part des actionnaires, des parties prenantes et de la société, et affecter les performances de l'entreprise. Ces trois chapitres reposent sur des analyses empiriques fondées sur les entreprises cotées françaises (SBF120) sur la période 2006-2014. Le chapitre 4 évalue l'efficience des administrateurs indépendants. En effet, ce type d'administrateurs est une réponse aux pressions des actionnaires pour réduire les conflits d'intérêts avec le management. En France, les administrateurs indépendants sont mieux sélectionnés que les administrateurs affiliés mais ils souffrent d'un déficit informationnel. Ce déficit peut être réduit par de l'expertise et des relations sociales. Le chapitre 5 étudie le lien entre la composition du conseil et l'engagement RSE des entreprises. Les résultats montrent que cet engagement est davantage motivé par l'objectif de réduire les conflits avec les parties prenantes que de constituer des bénéfices privés pour le management. La représentation des parties prenantes au sein du conseil peut donc affecter l'engagement RSE des entreprises. Le chapitre 6 analyse comment les entreprises se mettent en conformité avec le quota de genre au sein des conseils d'administration en 2014. Le quota a cassé le plafond de verre en accroissant le nombre de femmes sur le marché des administrateurs. Cependant, elles gagnent 6% de moins que les hommes. Ce différentiel est dû pour un tiers aux caractéristiques (âge, ancienneté,…) des administratrices et pour deux tiers aux positions qu'elles occupent au sein du conseil (comités). Les administratrices se heurtent donc à un plafond de verre interne, ce qui peut annihiler les bénéfices attendus de l'accroissement de la diversité au sein des conseils sur les choix stratégiques et les performances de l'entreprise.En conclusion, la discussion décrit les nouvelles perspectives de recherche s'ouvrant à la suite de cette thèse. Elle met l'accent sur le rôle de la gouvernance dans le développement de la RSE et les potentiels enseignements en termes de politiques publiques et de régulations.

In order to achieve a sustainable growth and to respond to external pressures (regulation, society), firms take more and more frequently into account their social and environmental externalities in the decision-making process, through the development of their Corporate Social Responsibility policy (CSR). Corporate governance appears here as a way to integrate shareholders' and stakeholders' objectives. Is corporate governance a strategic mediator between CSR objectives and firm performance? Is corporate governance a key stone of CSR firm commitment?This dissertation provides both theoretical and empirical evidences in the French case where corporate governance is defined as a hybrid model between the shareholder and stakeholder models. After introducing the dissertation, chapters 2 and 3 investigate the link between firm objectives and performance. From an INSEE national survey on sustainable development, Chapter 2 shows how firm motivations (defensive, pro-social or strategic) is a key determinant of their social, societal and environmental CSR awareness. In particular, firms implementing strategic CSR commit more to the issues related to their strategic stakeholders. CSR motivations may therefore mediate the relationship between CSR commitment and financial performance. Integrating firm objectives, the decision-making process at the top is driven by the board of directors. Chapter 3 theoretically demonstrates how board composition may affect firm outcomes. In particular, the model determines the optimal board functioning (monitoring or advising) depending on the relative cost and benefit of board expertise and independence. After highlighting that board composition is a key determinant of governance effectiveness, the three last chapters explore how corporate governance, and in particular board composition, may achieve some CSR demands from shareholders, stakeholders and society and affect firm outcomes. These chapters rely on empirical studies based on listed companies (SBF120) over the 2006-2014 period. Chapter 4 studies the link between independent directors and operating performance in order to evaluate their efficiency. The independence of directors is indeed usually considered as an answer to shareholders' demands to reduce the conflict of interest with management. We show that in France, independents directors are better selected than affiliated directors in terms of intrinsic ability but suffer from an informational gap. However, this gap may be shortened by industry expertise and/or social connections. Chapter 5 investigates from the shareholder and stakeholder perspectives how board composition is related to CSR commitment. We show that CSR engagement is driven by the reduction of conflicts with stakeholders rather than the creation of private benefit for managers. Stakeholder representation inside the boardroom may therefore affect investment in the different CSR issues. Chapter 6 analyzes how firms comply with the French gender quota of women inside the boardroom in 2014. The quota has indeed broken the glass-ceiling experienced by female managers and increased the number of women in the director labor market. However, female directors earn 6% less in fees than their male counterparts, one third due to their characteristics (age, expertise, tenure.) and two thirds due to their positions (committees) inside the boardroom. Female directors have then experienced an inner glass-ceiling which may jeopardize the positive expected effects of board diversity on firm policy and performances. In conclusion, the discussion provides the main new prospects and research avenues opened up by this dissertation. It focuses attention on the role of corporate governance in the development of CSR and the possible applications in terms of public policy and regulation. ; Afin de participer à une croissance durable de la société, les entreprises développent leur Responsabilité Sociale et Environnementale (RSE). La gouvernance d'entreprise, et en particulier le conseil d'administration, jouent un rôle central en intégrant les objectifs environnementaux et sociaux dans la prise de décisions. La gouvernance est-elle un médiateur stratégique entre objectifs RSE et performances des entreprises ? Est-elle la clé de voûte de l'engagement RSE ? Cette thèse présente des arguments théoriques et empiriques dans le cas français défini comme un modèle hybride (actionnarial-partenarial) de gouvernance. Après un chapitre introduction, les chapitres 2 et 3 analysent le lien entre objectifs et performances des entreprises. A partir d'une enquête INSEE sur le développement durable, le chapitre 2 montre que la motivation RSE (défensive, pro-sociale ou stratégique) détermine le niveau de prise en compte des enjeux sociaux et environnementaux. En particulier, les entreprises mettant en place une RSE stratégique investissent davantage dans les enjeux liés à leurs parties prenantes. Ces résultats suggèrent que la motivation RSE pourrait être un médiateur de la relation RSE-performance. Intégrant les objectifs de l'entreprise, le processus de décision au sommet de l'entreprise est contrôlé par le conseil d'administration. Le chapitre 3 démontre théoriquement comment la composition du conseil affecte les performances de l'entreprise. Le modèle prédit le fonctionnement optimal du conseil (surveillant ou conseillant) en fonction des coûts et bénéfices relatifs de l'expertise par rapport à l'indépendance. Après avoir mis en exergue la composition du conseil d'administration comme facteur déterminant de l'efficience de la gouvernance, les trois chapitres suivants analysent comment la composition du conseil d'administration peut répondre aux demandes RSE de la part des actionnaires, des parties prenantes et de la société, et affecter les performances de l'entreprise. Ces trois chapitres reposent sur des analyses empiriques fondées sur les entreprises cotées françaises (SBF120) sur la période 2006-2014. Le chapitre 4 évalue l'efficience des administrateurs indépendants. En effet, ce type d'administrateurs est une réponse aux pressions des actionnaires pour réduire les conflits d'intérêts avec le management. En France, les administrateurs indépendants sont mieux sélectionnés que les administrateurs affiliés mais ils souffrent d'un déficit informationnel. Ce déficit peut être réduit par de l'expertise et des relations sociales. Le chapitre 5 étudie le lien entre la composition du conseil et l'engagement RSE des entreprises. Les résultats montrent que cet engagement est davantage motivé par l'objectif de réduire les conflits avec les parties prenantes que de constituer des bénéfices privés pour le management. La représentation des parties prenantes au sein du conseil peut donc affecter l'engagement RSE des entreprises. Le chapitre 6 analyse comment les entreprises se mettent en conformité avec le quota de genre au sein des conseils d'administration en 2014. Le quota a cassé le plafond de verre en accroissant le nombre de femmes sur le marché des administrateurs. Cependant, elles gagnent 6% de moins que les hommes. Ce différentiel est dû pour un tiers aux caractéristiques (âge, ancienneté,…) des administratrices et pour deux tiers aux positions qu'elles occupent au sein du conseil (comités). Les administratrices se heurtent donc à un plafond de verre interne, ce qui peut annihiler les bénéfices attendus de l'accroissement de la diversité au sein des conseils sur les choix stratégiques et les performances de l'entreprise.En conclusion, la discussion décrit les nouvelles perspectives de recherche s'ouvrant à la suite de cette thèse. Elle met l'accent sur le rôle de la gouvernance dans le développement de la RSE et les potentiels enseignements en termes de politiques publiques et de régulations.

In order to achieve a sustainable growth and to respond to external pressures (regulation, society), firms take more and more frequently into account their social and environmental externalities in the decision-making process, through the development of their Corporate Social Responsibility policy (CSR). Corporate governance appears here as a way to integrate shareholders' and stakeholders' objectives. Is corporate governance a strategic mediator between CSR objectives and firm performance? Is corporate governance a key stone of CSR firm commitment?This dissertation provides both theoretical and empirical evidences in the French case where corporate governance is defined as a hybrid model between the shareholder and stakeholder models. After introducing the dissertation, chapters 2 and 3 investigate the link between firm objectives and performance. From an INSEE national survey on sustainable development, Chapter 2 shows how firm motivations (defensive, pro-social or strategic) is a key determinant of their social, societal and environmental CSR awareness. In particular, firms implementing strategic CSR commit more to the issues related to their strategic stakeholders. CSR motivations may therefore mediate the relationship between CSR commitment and financial performance. Integrating firm objectives, the decision-making process at the top is driven by the board of directors. Chapter 3 theoretically demonstrates how board composition may affect firm outcomes. In particular, the model determines the optimal board functioning (monitoring or advising) depending on the relative cost and benefit of board expertise and independence. After highlighting that board composition is a key determinant of governance effectiveness, the three last chapters explore how corporate governance, and in particular board composition, may achieve some CSR demands from shareholders, stakeholders and society and affect firm outcomes. These chapters rely on empirical studies based on listed companies (SBF120) over the 2006-2014 period. Chapter 4 studies the link between independent directors and operating performance in order to evaluate their efficiency. The independence of directors is indeed usually considered as an answer to shareholders' demands to reduce the conflict of interest with management. We show that in France, independents directors are better selected than affiliated directors in terms of intrinsic ability but suffer from an informational gap. However, this gap may be shortened by industry expertise and/or social connections. Chapter 5 investigates from the shareholder and stakeholder perspectives how board composition is related to CSR commitment. We show that CSR engagement is driven by the reduction of conflicts with stakeholders rather than the creation of private benefit for managers. Stakeholder representation inside the boardroom may therefore affect investment in the different CSR issues. Chapter 6 analyzes how firms comply with the French gender quota of women inside the boardroom in 2014. The quota has indeed broken the glass-ceiling experienced by female managers and increased the number of women in the director labor market. However, female directors earn 6% less in fees than their male counterparts, one third due to their characteristics (age, expertise, tenure.) and two thirds due to their positions (committees) inside the boardroom. Female directors have then experienced an inner glass-ceiling which may jeopardize the positive expected effects of board diversity on firm policy and performances. In conclusion, the discussion provides the main new prospects and research avenues opened up by this dissertation. It focuses attention on the role of corporate governance in the development of CSR and the possible applications in terms of public policy and regulation. ; Afin de participer à une croissance durable de la société, les entreprises développent leur Responsabilité Sociale et Environnementale (RSE). La gouvernance d'entreprise, et en particulier le conseil d'administration, jouent un rôle central en intégrant les objectifs environnementaux et sociaux dans la prise de décisions. La gouvernance est-elle un médiateur stratégique entre objectifs RSE et performances des entreprises ? Est-elle la clé de voûte de l'engagement RSE ? Cette thèse présente des arguments théoriques et empiriques dans le cas français défini comme un modèle hybride (actionnarial-partenarial) de gouvernance. Après un chapitre introduction, les chapitres 2 et 3 analysent le lien entre objectifs et performances des entreprises. A partir d'une enquête INSEE sur le développement durable, le chapitre 2 montre que la motivation RSE (défensive, pro-sociale ou stratégique) détermine le niveau de prise en compte des enjeux sociaux et environnementaux. En particulier, les entreprises mettant en place une RSE stratégique investissent davantage dans les enjeux liés à leurs parties prenantes. Ces résultats suggèrent que la motivation RSE pourrait être un médiateur de la relation RSE-performance. Intégrant les objectifs de l'entreprise, le processus de décision au sommet de l'entreprise est contrôlé par le conseil d'administration. Le chapitre 3 démontre théoriquement comment la composition du conseil affecte les performances de l'entreprise. Le modèle prédit le fonctionnement optimal du conseil (surveillant ou conseillant) en fonction des coûts et bénéfices relatifs de l'expertise par rapport à l'indépendance. Après avoir mis en exergue la composition du conseil d'administration comme facteur déterminant de l'efficience de la gouvernance, les trois chapitres suivants analysent comment la composition du conseil d'administration peut répondre aux demandes RSE de la part des actionnaires, des parties prenantes et de la société, et affecter les performances de l'entreprise. Ces trois chapitres reposent sur des analyses empiriques fondées sur les entreprises cotées françaises (SBF120) sur la période 2006-2014. Le chapitre 4 évalue l'efficience des administrateurs indépendants. En effet, ce type d'administrateurs est une réponse aux pressions des actionnaires pour réduire les conflits d'intérêts avec le management. En France, les administrateurs indépendants sont mieux sélectionnés que les administrateurs affiliés mais ils souffrent d'un déficit informationnel. Ce déficit peut être réduit par de l'expertise et des relations sociales. Le chapitre 5 étudie le lien entre la composition du conseil et l'engagement RSE des entreprises. Les résultats montrent que cet engagement est davantage motivé par l'objectif de réduire les conflits avec les parties prenantes que de constituer des bénéfices privés pour le management. La représentation des parties prenantes au sein du conseil peut donc affecter l'engagement RSE des entreprises. Le chapitre 6 analyse comment les entreprises se mettent en conformité avec le quota de genre au sein des conseils d'administration en 2014. Le quota a cassé le plafond de verre en accroissant le nombre de femmes sur le marché des administrateurs. Cependant, elles gagnent 6% de moins que les hommes. Ce différentiel est dû pour un tiers aux caractéristiques (âge, ancienneté,…) des administratrices et pour deux tiers aux positions qu'elles occupent au sein du conseil (comités). Les administratrices se heurtent donc à un plafond de verre interne, ce qui peut annihiler les bénéfices attendus de l'accroissement de la diversité au sein des conseils sur les choix stratégiques et les performances de l'entreprise.En conclusion, la discussion décrit les nouvelles perspectives de recherche s'ouvrant à la suite de cette thèse. Elle met l'accent sur le rôle de la gouvernance dans le développement de la RSE et les potentiels enseignements en termes de politiques publiques et de régulations.

Entrepreneurship education dianggap mempunyai pengaruh terhadap nascent halalpreneurial intention. Penelitian ini menggunakan mahasiswa Muslim di Indonesia yang sedang atau telah menempuh mata kuliah kewirausahaan sebagai obyek penelitian. Selain itu, entrepreneurship education dapat menjadi faktor penting timbulnya commitment to entrepreneurship pada mahasiswa dan menumbuhkan niat berbisnis dikalangan mahasiswa. Hal ini karena entrepreneurship diakui sebagai cara untuk menciptakan lapangan kerja dan mengurangi pengangguran. Menggunakan metode penelitian kuantitatif dan kuesioner yang disebarkan secara online kepada responden mahasiswa Muslim, ditemukan bahwa entrepreneurship education dan commitment to entrepreneurship berkaitan dengan nascent halalpreneurial intention pada mahasiswa Muslim di Surabaya. Kata Kunci: Entrepreneurship, Entrepreneurship education, Commitment to entrepreneurship, Innovativeness, Nascent halalpreneurial intention. ABSTRACT Entrepreneurship education is considered to have an influence on nascent halalpreneurial intention. This study uses Muslim students in Indonesia who are currently taking or have taken entrepreneurship courses as research objects. In addition, entrepreneurship education can be an important factor in generating commitment to entrepreneurship among students and fostering business intentions among students. This is because entrepreneurship is recognized as a way to create jobs and reduce unemployment. Using quantitative research methods and questionnaires distributed online to Muslim student respondents, it was found that entrepreneurship education and commitment to entrepreneurship were related to nascent halalpreneurial intention to Muslim students in Surabaya. Keywords: Entrepreneurship, Entrepreneurship education, Commitment to entrepreneurship, Innovativeness, Nascent halalpreneurial intention. DAFTAR PUSTAKA Adam, A., & Fayolle, A. (2015). 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This paper derives an applied general political economy model incorporating a model of political decision making into a computable general economic equilibrium model. Political decision making among a set of legislators is modeled via a mean voter decision rule derived from a modified non cooperative legislative bargaining game of a Baron Ferejohn type. The model allows a simultaneous analysis of political and economic factors determining policy outcome and is applied to simulate future Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) under various political and economic scenarios.

China (PRC) currently controls an estimated 8 percent of Africa's mining sector, less than half its Western competitors, but still an increase from 6.7 percent in 2018. Although this statistic underlines the often inflated and alarmed perception Western media sometimes fosters about China's mining operations in Africa, it nevertheless highlights the China Communist Party's (CCP) goal to grow China's footprint across Africa's mining sector. China's government and private mining companies operate mining sites in various African countries, as well as a small but growing number of processing sites to readily process extracted raw minerals. In the DRC, for example, China boasts at least 7 cobalt processing entities, but mainly ships raw minerals back to China for processing and manufacturing to meet global demand for critical minerals and finished products. What concerns the US is China's monopoly over mining in Africa's copper belt (the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Zambia), and its substantive recent investments into lithium production in Zimbabwe, which holds Africa's largest reserves of lithium. These investments allow China to dictate the global supply chain for renewable batteries and electric vehicles (EVs). In the DRC, the country with the world's largest reserves of cobalt and high grade copper, China currently owns 72% of the cobalt and copper mines including the Tenge Fungurume Mine, which alone produces around 12% of the world's cobalt production. China's mining operations in these three countries give the PRC a significant lead in semiconductor and battery production, and thus in the field of climate security technologies. This leaves the rest of the world increasingly dependent on Chinese innovation and manufacturing to drive global energy transitions and address climate change, according to a study by the Georgetown University Center for Security Studies. China's opaque extractive mining contracts in Africa also contribute to numerous human and labor rights violations as well as negative environmental impacts on African mining communities.The US must increase its investment in Africa's critical mining sector to curtail its growing reliance on a China dominated renewable energy supply chain. It must also build goodwill with local African populations by working to safeguard the labor and environmental rights of mining dependent localities, areas where China's investments have underperformed. With these goals in mind, the US should employ the following policies:Incentivize the US private sector to invest in African mining. A strong presence of private US mining companies in Africa's copper belt and lithium mining areas will be pivotal in decoupling the US from a China dominated renewable energy supply chain. The US government should provide subsidies and tax credits to private US mining companies that invest in greenfield mining discoveries in Africa. The US government should also provide lower import quotas on raw or processed cobalt, copper, and lithium from specific African countries to make African mining a more attractive investment option for US companies. Prioritize critical mineral agreements (CMA) with African counterparts. Currently, there is no US-Africa CMA or bilateral CMA between the US and any individual African states. To address this gap, the US should incorporate critical and strategic minerals of importance into the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The US should also work to incorporate African countries into international agreements like the Sustainable Critical Minerals Alliance (SCMA) and Minerals Security Partnership (MSP). For critical minerals of greatest importance, the US should seek individualized trade agreements with countries like the DRC and Zambia. The US-DRC-Zambia Memorandum of Understanding offers a great starting point toward developing bilateral CMAs with both countries. Any regional or bilateral CMA should address supplementary infrastructure development to support Africa's critical mining sector. The Lobito Development Corridor can serve as a model for US-led infrastructure development adjacent to Africa's mining sector. China realized decades ago that CMAs are key to having a share of Africa's critical minerals. The US should employ a similar strategy but go a step further by making sure US-Africa CMAs promote greater transparency and accountability in Africa's critical mining sector.Bolster transparency and accountability in Africa's critical minerals mining sector. Claude Kabemba, Executive Director at Southern Africa Resource Watch, explained during a recent Wilson Center discussion on "China's Critical Mineral Investments in Africa", there are no wholly "good or bad investors in Africa". In fact, some of China's investment in Africa's critical mining sector are brownfield operations first established by Western companies. In 2016, for example, an investment firm led by Hunter Biden facilitated the sale of the Tenge Fungurume Mine from US mining company Freeport-McMoRan to Chinese company China Molybdenum.Both Western and Chinese actors, government and private sector, have exploited Africa's critical minerals for their economic goals often at the detriment of local African communities. As the US seeks to re-enter Africa's critical minerals space, it must learn from past errors and work to mitigate labor and environmental rights issues. The Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act should be updated to include current minerals of critical and strategic importance. The law should also address conflict minerals across the entirety of Africa to further enhance transparency and accountability in the supply chain. The SCMA and Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act can serve as guidelines for developing legislation that addresses labor and environmental issues specific to Africa's critical mining sector. Collaborating with African civil society groups will be key to encouraging transparency and accountability across Africa's critical minerals sector. By taking actionable steps to bolster these, the US can show Africa that its investments in this sector are a superior alternative to those of China. A mutually beneficial US-Africa critical minerals partnership will be important for development in Africa and for US competition in the critical and strategic minerals supply chain.

China (PRC) currently controls an estimated 8 percent of Africa's mining sector, less than half its Western competitors, but still an increase from 6.7 percent in 2018. Although this statistic underlines the often inflated and alarmed perception Western media sometimes fosters about China's mining operations in Africa, it nevertheless highlights the China Communist Party's (CCP) goal to grow China's footprint across Africa's mining sector. China's government and private mining companies operate mining sites in various African countries, as well as a small but growing number of processing sites to readily process extracted raw minerals. In the DRC, for example, China boasts at least 7 cobalt processing entities, but mainly ships raw minerals back to China for processing and manufacturing to meet global demand for critical minerals and finished products. What concerns the US is China's monopoly over mining in Africa's copper belt (the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Zambia), and its substantive recent investments into lithium production in Zimbabwe, which holds Africa's largest reserves of lithium. These investments allow China to dictate the global supply chain for renewable batteries and electric vehicles (EVs). In the DRC, the country with the world's largest reserves of cobalt and high grade copper, China currently owns 72% of the cobalt and copper mines including the Tenge Fungurume Mine, which alone produces around 12% of the world's cobalt production. China's mining operations in these three countries give the PRC a significant lead in semiconductor and battery production, and thus in the field of climate security technologies. This leaves the rest of the world increasingly dependent on Chinese innovation and manufacturing to drive global energy transitions and address climate change, according to a study by the Georgetown University Center for Security Studies. China's opaque extractive mining contracts in Africa also contribute to numerous human and labor rights violations as well as negative environmental impacts on African mining communities.The US must increase its investment in Africa's critical mining sector to curtail its growing reliance on a China dominated renewable energy supply chain. It must also build goodwill with local African populations by working to safeguard the labor and environmental rights of mining dependent localities, areas where China's investments have underperformed. With these goals in mind, the US should employ the following policies:Incentivize the US private sector to invest in African mining. A strong presence of private US mining companies in Africa's copper belt and lithium mining areas will be pivotal in decoupling the US from a China dominated renewable energy supply chain. The US government should provide subsidies and tax credits to private US mining companies that invest in greenfield mining discoveries in Africa. The US government should also provide lower import quotas on raw or processed cobalt, copper, and lithium from specific African countries to make African mining a more attractive investment option for US companies. Prioritize critical mineral agreements (CMA) with African counterparts. Currently, there is no US-Africa CMA or bilateral CMA between the US and any individual African states. To address this gap, the US should incorporate critical and strategic minerals of importance into the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The US should also work to incorporate African countries into international agreements like the Sustainable Critical Minerals Alliance (SCMA) and Minerals Security Partnership (MSP). For critical minerals of greatest importance, the US should seek individualized trade agreements with countries like the DRC and Zambia. The US-DRC-Zambia Memorandum of Understanding offers a great starting point toward developing bilateral CMAs with both countries. Any regional or bilateral CMA should address supplementary infrastructure development to support Africa's critical mining sector. The Lobito Development Corridor can serve as a model for US-led infrastructure development adjacent to Africa's mining sector. China realized decades ago that CMAs are key to having a share of Africa's critical minerals. The US should employ a similar strategy but go a step further by making sure US-Africa CMAs promote greater transparency and accountability in Africa's critical mining sector.Bolster transparency and accountability in Africa's critical minerals mining sector. Claude Kabemba, Executive Director at Southern Africa Resource Watch, explained during a recent Wilson Center discussion on "China's Critical Mineral Investments in Africa", there are no wholly "good or bad investors in Africa". In fact, some of China's investment in Africa's critical mining sector are brownfield operations first established by Western companies. In 2016, for example, an investment firm led by Hunter Biden facilitated the sale of the Tenge Fungurume Mine from US mining company Freeport-McMoRan to Chinese company China Molybdenum.Both Western and Chinese actors, government and private sector, have exploited Africa's critical minerals for their economic goals often at the detriment of local African communities. As the US seeks to re-enter Africa's critical minerals space, it must learn from past errors and work to mitigate labor and environmental rights issues. The Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act should be updated to include current minerals of critical and strategic importance. The law should also address conflict minerals across the entirety of Africa to further enhance transparency and accountability in the supply chain. The SCMA and Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act can serve as guidelines for developing legislation that addresses labor and environmental issues specific to Africa's critical mining sector. Collaborating with African civil society groups will be key to encouraging transparency and accountability across Africa's critical minerals sector. By taking actionable steps to bolster these, the US can show Africa that its investments in this sector are a superior alternative to those of China. A mutually beneficial US-Africa critical minerals partnership will be important for development in Africa and for US competition in the critical and strategic minerals supply chain.

The article is devoted to the definition of the possibilities of the concept of modern international maritime law on the regime of historical waters to the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait application. The weak development of the concept of historical waters in the modern legal doctrine is observed, especially concerning the Azov-Kerch waters. This defines the purpose of the article, and namely, to establish the appropriateness of classifying them as historical waters on the basis of the modern relations characteristics concerning the establishment of the maritime spaces' regime of this region. The methodological basis of the article consisted of dialectical, historical methods, methods of analysis and synthesis, formal-legal and prognostic methods. The article studies the main scientific approaches to the development of grounds and mechanisms for recognizing certain marine areas as state historical waters. The absence of at list such grounds and mechanisms in modern international public maritime law and national legislation of Ukraine is emphasized. The Azov-Kerch water spaces is among of priority of Ukrainian national interests and the importance of creating the favorable environment for the development of seaports in the region. The attention is paid to the fact that the delimitation of the Azov-Kerch waters was discussed for a long time, but so far no mutually acceptable solution was reached: the attitudes of the parties and their justifications are different, and taking into account the temporary occupation and lasting conflict between two countries the search for a compromise may be delayed indefinitely. The idea of holding an international conference to determine the legal status and use of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait and the signing of the relevant international agreement was supported. It is possible to terminate the current bilateral agreements because of this: the Agreement on Cooperation in the Use of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait in 2003 and the Fishery Agreement on Fishing in the Sea of Azov in 1993. It is concluded that the historicity of Azov-Kerch waters belonging to the inland waters of only two countries has now exhausted itself. The interests of the much larger number of countries meet in this region, and the development of the universal international agreement concerning it has long been "felt" not only bilaterally but also regionally in order to build the balanced neighborhood policy and respect the interests of all concert parties. ; Статья посвящена определению возможностей применения концепции современного международного морского права о режиме исторических вод в Азовское море и Керченский пролив. Изучаются основные научные подходы к выработке оснований и механизмов признания отдельных морских пространств историческими водами государства. Подчеркивается отсутствие в современном международном публичном морском праве и национальном законодательстве Украины перечня таких оснований и механизмов. Отмечается пребывание Азово-Керченской акватории в сфере приоритетных национальных интересов Украины и важность создания благоприятной среды для развития морских портов региона. Обращается внимание на то, что вопрос разграничения Азово-Керченской акватории обсуждается уже длительный период, однако до настоящего времени прийти к взаимоприемлемому решению все же не удалось: позиции сторон и их обоснования различны, а учитывая временную оккупацию и продолжающийся конфликт между двумя странами, поиск компромисса может затянуться на неопределенное время. Поддержана идея о проведении международной конференции с целью определения правового статуса и режима использования Азовского моря и Керченского пролива и подписания соответствующего международного соглашения. Отмечается возможность прекращения в связи с этим действия действующих двусторонних соглашений: Договора о сотрудничестве в использовании Азовского моря и Керченского пролива 2003 г. и Соглашения по вопросам рыболовства в Азовском море 1993 г. Автор приходит к выводу о тому, что историчность принадлежности Азово-Керченской акватории к категории внутренних вод только двух государств в настоящее время исчерпала себя. В данном регионе пересекаются интересы значительно больше- го числа государств и выработка единой международной договоренности по нему уже давно «чувствуется» не только на двустороннем уровне, но и на региональном с целью построения взвешенной политики добрососедства и уважения интересов всех заинте- ресованных сторон. ; Статтю присвячено визначенню можливостей застосування концепції сучасного міжнародного морського права про режим історичних вод до Азовського моря та Керченської протоки. Вивчаються основні наукові підходи до вироблення підстав та механізмів визнання окремих морських просторів історичними водами держави. Підкреслюється відсутність у сучасному міжнародному публічному морському праві та національному законодавстві України переліку таких підстав та механізмів. Відзначається перебування Азово-Керченської акваторії у колі пріоритетних національних інтересів України та важливість створення сприятливого середовища для розвитку морських портів регіону. Звертається увага на те, що питання розмежування Азово-Керченської акваторії обговорюються же тривалий період, проте до теперішнього часу дійти до взаємоприйнятного рішення не вдалося: позиції сторін та їх обґрунтування є різними, а зважаючи на тимчасову окупацію та триваючий конфлікт між двома країнами, пошук компромісу може затягнутися на невизначений час. Підтримано ідею про проведення міжнародної конференції з метою визначення правового статусу та режиму використання Азовського моря та Керченської протоки та підписання відповідної між- народної угоди. Відзначається можливість припинення у зв'язку з цим дії діючих двосторонніх угод: Договору про співробітництво у використанні Азовського моря і Керченської протоки 2003 р. та Угоди з рибальства з питань рибальства в Азовському морі 1993 р. Підсумовується, що історичність приналежності Азово-Керченської акваторії до складу внутрішніх вод лише двох держав на теперішній час вичерпала себе. У цьому регіоні перетинаються інтереси значно більшої кількості держав і вироблення єдиної міжнародної домовленості щодо нього уже давно «відчувається» не лише на двосторонньому рівні, але й на регіональному з метою побудови виваженої політики добросусідства та поваги інтересів усіх зацікавлених сторін.

The article is devoted to the definition of the possibilities of the concept of modern international maritime law on the regime of historical waters to the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait application. The weak development of the concept of historical waters in the modern legal doctrine is observed, especially concerning the Azov-Kerch waters. This defines the purpose of the article, and namely, to establish the appropriateness of classifying them as historical waters on the basis of the modern relations characteristics concerning the establishment of the maritime spaces' regime of this region. The methodological basis of the article consisted of dialectical, historical methods, methods of analysis and synthesis, formal-legal and prognostic methods. The article studies the main scientific approaches to the development of grounds and mechanisms for recognizing certain marine areas as state historical waters. The absence of at list such grounds and mechanisms in modern international public maritime law and national legislation of Ukraine is emphasized. The Azov-Kerch water spaces is among of priority of Ukrainian national interests and the importance of creating the favorable environment for the development of seaports in the region. The attention is paid to the fact that the delimitation of the Azov-Kerch waters was discussed for a long time, but so far no mutually acceptable solution was reached: the attitudes of the parties and their justifications are different, and taking into account the temporary occupation and lasting conflict between two countries the search for a compromise may be delayed indefinitely. The idea of holding an international conference to determine the legal status and use of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait and the signing of the relevant international agreement was supported. It is possible to terminate the current bilateral agreements because of this: the Agreement on Cooperation in the Use of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait in 2003 and the Fishery Agreement on Fishing in the Sea of Azov in 1993. It is concluded that the historicity of Azov-Kerch waters belonging to the inland waters of only two countries has now exhausted itself. The interests of the much larger number of countries meet in this region, and the development of the universal international agreement concerning it has long been "felt" not only bilaterally but also regionally in order to build the balanced neighborhood policy and respect the interests of all concert parties. ; Статья посвящена определению возможностей применения концепции современного международного морского права о режиме исторических вод в Азовское море и Керченский пролив. Изучаются основные научные подходы к выработке оснований и механизмов признания отдельных морских пространств историческими водами государства. Подчеркивается отсутствие в современном международном публичном морском праве и национальном законодательстве Украины перечня таких оснований и механизмов. Отмечается пребывание Азово-Керченской акватории в сфере приоритетных национальных интересов Украины и важность создания благоприятной среды для развития морских портов региона. Обращается внимание на то, что вопрос разграничения Азово-Керченской акватории обсуждается уже длительный период, однако до настоящего времени прийти к взаимоприемлемому решению все же не удалось: позиции сторон и их обоснования различны, а учитывая временную оккупацию и продолжающийся конфликт между двумя странами, поиск компромисса может затянуться на неопределенное время. Поддержана идея о проведении международной конференции с целью определения правового статуса и режима использования Азовского моря и Керченского пролива и подписания соответствующего международного соглашения. Отмечается возможность прекращения в связи с этим действия действующих двусторонних соглашений: Договора о сотрудничестве в использовании Азовского моря и Керченского пролива 2003 г. и Соглашения по вопросам рыболовства в Азовском море 1993 г. Автор приходит к выводу о тому, что историчность принадлежности Азово-Керченской акватории к категории внутренних вод только двух государств в настоящее время исчерпала себя. В данном регионе пересекаются интересы значительно больше- го числа государств и выработка единой международной договоренности по нему уже давно «чувствуется» не только на двустороннем уровне, но и на региональном с целью построения взвешенной политики добрососедства и уважения интересов всех заинте- ресованных сторон. ; Статтю присвячено визначенню можливостей застосування концепції сучасного міжнародного морського права про режим історичних вод до Азовського моря та Керченської протоки. Вивчаються основні наукові підходи до вироблення підстав та механізмів визнання окремих морських просторів історичними водами держави. Підкреслюється відсутність у сучасному міжнародному публічному морському праві та національному законодавстві України переліку таких підстав та механізмів. Відзначається перебування Азово-Керченської акваторії у колі пріоритетних національних інтересів України та важливість створення сприятливого середовища для розвитку морських портів регіону. Звертається увага на те, що питання розмежування Азово-Керченської акваторії обговорюються же тривалий період, проте до теперішнього часу дійти до взаємоприйнятного рішення не вдалося: позиції сторін та їх обґрунтування є різними, а зважаючи на тимчасову окупацію та триваючий конфлікт між двома країнами, пошук компромісу може затягнутися на невизначений час. Підтримано ідею про проведення міжнародної конференції з метою визначення правового статусу та режиму використання Азовського моря та Керченської протоки та підписання відповідної між- народної угоди. Відзначається можливість припинення у зв'язку з цим дії діючих двосторонніх угод: Договору про співробітництво у використанні Азовського моря і Керченської протоки 2003 р. та Угоди з рибальства з питань рибальства в Азовському морі 1993 р. Підсумовується, що історичність приналежності Азово-Керченської акваторії до складу внутрішніх вод лише двох держав на теперішній час вичерпала себе. У цьому регіоні перетинаються інтереси значно більшої кількості держав і вироблення єдиної міжнародної домовленості щодо нього уже давно «відчувається» не лише на двосторонньому рівні, але й на регіональному з метою побудови виваженої політики добросусідства та поваги інтересів усіх зацікавлених сторін.

Problem setting. The state registration of birth is the first and one of the main steps to children's rights protection and it became a demonstration not only of identity, but also of the human existence. At the same time, when considering the current trends in the development of social and political life, electronic services gain great importance and they become priority development fields of electronic government.While most European countries already introduced in the web space almost all activities in regard to providing administrative services, Ukraine stands at the early stages of this course which has many obstacles and challenging issues that need to be resolved. Recent research and publications analysis. Over the last years many investigations and publications with different target purposes were dedicated to the issue of improvement and receiving of administrative services in the sphere of state registration of birth and specifically via the internet and with employment of other information technologies.Among foreign scientists these problematic issues were researched by such experts as M. Riekkinen, A. Afolayan, O. Iyare, T. Falua, B. Oyokoch, E. Lunyeva, S. Ryabchenko and others.The works of such Ukrainian scientists as O. Lovyaka, L. Chernenko, I. Demchyshyna, L. Lypets were focused on study of general issues of development of state registration of certain types of civil state acts, and specifically birth records.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The attempts of consistent implementation of information and communication technologies in the political system of our country particularly deal with relations in the sphere of civil status registration acts. The development of information technologies certainly showed up in the priority event of human life – birth, and the state registration of birth became the significant step in acquisition of human rights in all spheres of social life. Consequently, new problematic issues appeared in the practical activities of specialists and these matters were related to the issue of documentation of state registration of birth by means of information technologies, it requires classification of knowledge in this sphere and taking new decisions which would meet the requirements of present-day society.Paper main body. In juridical aspect the fact of child's birth and child's descent from certain man and woman can be confirmed only by way of state registration of child's birth in the organs of the civil status state registration. According to the regulations of the civil status registration department the registration of child's birth is fulfilled at the place of child's birth or at the place of residence of his parents or one of the parents. The main effective instrument in the sphere of civil status state registration is represented by web portal 'Requests in the sphere of civil status state registration' which is an electronic resource with its unique address in the Internet world network where organizational and methodical materials are placed. There you can make the registration of users, submission, data handling, information keeping and transfer in the sphere of civil status state registration. The great advantage of such web portal is the fact that it is accessible to all and unrestricted number of users of the internet world network, it works day and night in online mode, and it is also highly functional. This is evident from the fact that through the use of web portal physical person can submit to the civil status registration department an application of the state registration of marriage, the state registration of divorce, the state registration of name change, the amendments to the civil status registration act, their renewal or annulment, reissuance of certificates and extracts from the civil state registration of citizens, or application as to their formulation. There you can book your visit to the civil status registration department in advance with indication of convenient date and time; pay for provided services using payment systems, receive consultations from officials of the civil status registration department as to your requests and applications which were sent through the web portal.This innovation represented the first step to implementation of electronic service"e-malyatko". The project called "e-malyatko" provides the wide range of services using one application: state registration of child's birth, registration of child's permanent residence, granting an allowance at child's birth, registration of child's birth in the electronic health protection system; issue of certificates for the parents in families with many children and for the child from multiple children family (under certain conditions); registration in demographic register; ascertainment of child's descent at birth (in case child's parents are not married); registration in the state register of physical persons tax-payers; ascertainment of child's citizenship of Ukraine.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. In that manner, the submission of applications in the sphere of civil status registration acts through the internet world network by citizens facilitates the proper organization of work of civil status registration departments ensuring their effective and prompt service, including the reduction of lines by offering the possibility to the citizens to visit the department at the time of appointment.Registration of birth is a fundamental step on the way to adequate government and it is an essential element which promotes democratic processes. ; Розглянуто основні організаційно-правові аспекти надання державної послуги щодо реєстрації народження. Значну увагу приділено особливостям удосконалення процедури державної реєстрації народження в Україні через запровадження веб-порталу та "пілотного" проекту "е-малятко". Досліджено специфіку застосування аналогічних моделей реєстрації у світі. Доведено необхідність подальшого удосконалення процедури запровадження інформаційно-комунікативних технологій у сфері реєстрації народження в Україні.