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Drawing on Kant and Hegel, debates in political theory and international relations generally assume that an identity cannot be created without the simultaneous creation and negative stereotypy of an `other'. Figures such as Schmitt and Huntington accept and even welcome this binary, while others, among them Nietzsche, Habermas and Rawls, look for ways of overcoming it. Drawing on Homer's Iliad and psychological research, I challenge the assumptions on which Kant and Hegel, and their successors, build their argument. The Greco-Roman literary tradition and recent survey and experimental research indicates that identities generally form prior to construction of `others', that `others' need not be associated with negative stereotypes, and that even when they are, boundaries between in- and outgroups are quite plastic. Nor must stereotypes be negative. Homer and modern history suggest that identity construction and maintenance often take place through positive, although not necessarily equal, interactions with `others'.

Enthält außerdem als Annexes: 1. Rome Statute of the Criminal Court. - S. 153-259. 2. Elements of crimes. - S. 260-314. 3. Draft statute of the International Penal Court as amended by the Permanent International Criminal Court Committee of the International Law Association. - S. 315-329. 4. Draft Statute for the creation of a Criminal Chamber of the International Court of Justice prepared by V. V. Pella and adopted by the International Assiciation for Penal Law on 16 January 1928, and revised in 1946. - S. 330-350. 5. Convention for the creation of an International Criminal Court, opend for signature at Geneva on 16 November 1937. - S. 351-365. 6. United Nations War Crimes Commission. Draft convention for the establishment of a United Nations War Crimes Court with an explanatory memorandum. - S. 366-376. 7. Draft proposal for the establishment of an international criminal court. Memorandum submitted to the Committee on the Progressive Development of International Law and its codification by the representative of France. - S. 377-379. 8. Establishment of al Permanent International Criminal Court for the Punishment of Acts of Genocide (draft prepared by Mrs. Donnedieu de Vabres, Pella and Lemkin). - S. 380-390

That man could destroy his civilization has been known, theoretically, for many years; now there is actual proof that he can. Atomic bombs have been unleashed in international society, the results of which have no comparison in history.

"Der Internationale Strafgerichtshof für das ehemalige Jugoslawien (ICTY) in Den Haag stellt nicht nur ein wichtiges Mittel zur juristischen Aufarbeitung der im ehemaligen Jugoslawien in den 1990ern begangenen Kriegsverbrechen, sondern auch ein für die Zukunft der internationalen Strafjustiz entscheidendes Experiment dar. Daher ist es wichtig, aus seinen Fehlern und Problemen zu lernen." (Autorenreferat)

AbstractA novel form of international order was developed in the nineteenth century by international administrative unions such as the International Telegraph Union and the Universal Postal Union. This administrative internationalism posed a striking alternative to the international society of great powers, sovereignty, and forms of imperial domination, for the members of administrative unions included not only sovereign states but also semi-sovereigns, vassals, and colonies. Members were equal and bound identically to the union treaty and its international administrative law. This article examines the structure of unions and their politics of membership in the nineteenth century, and engages theories of global governance to argue that early administrative unions present a mode of international order different from theories of both global networks and the international system of neorealism.

Official letter from Arturo M. Elías, Mexican consul in New York to Soledad González, Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' personal secretary informing of the shipping of a translation of an article by Chester M. Wright, Editor of the International Labor News Service. Said article is entitled "Por que se permite que el mercantilismo dicte la política México-Americana" [Why is Mercantilism allowed to lead the Mexican American politics?] and it argues that every hostile attitude of the U.S. against Mexico affects the handling business with the rest of Latin America. It also argues that this political theory should take advantage to explore markets in this peaceful country rather than trying to incite an armed intervention. / Oficio de Arturo M. Elías, Cónsul de México en Nueva York a Soledad González, secretaria particular del Gral. PEC, informándole del envío de la traducción de un artículo de Chester M. Wright, Editor del International Labor News Service intitulado "Por que se permite que el mercantilismo dicte la política México-Americana", en el que sustenta que toda actitud hostil de Norteamérica hacia México repercute en el trato hacia toda América Latina y que en vez de intentar provocar una intervención armada, lo que debería aprovecharse es explotar los mercados que ofrece su territorio pacífico y hospitalario.

This article is the part of the recent emotional turn when the scholars of social science are paying more attention to the study of collective emotions in international affairs. The former dominance of the biological and essentialist paradigms in this field were replaced by a number of culture-centered approaches based on social constructivism, which were elaborated within two pioneering disciplines – anthropology of emotions and history of emotions. The influence of such a scientific revolution included the key axis of the common – unique with an emphasis on the latter. The IR has been also affected by an emotional turn when the field of constructivist emotional studies had been established in the early 2000s. The object of this work is the transnational structural common – collective emotional patterns that have recurrent nature and emerge beyond state borders. This part of reality has not been conceptualized by scholars. Therefore, the aim of the article is to fill an epistemological vacuum and outline the ways for conceptualization of transnational structural common. It is IR that seem to be the most suitable field to do this. The empirical case of the crisis response after terrorist attacks are analyzed as the example of the transnational structural common. This case is explored by the author through the framework of "emotion culture" by S. Koschut in combination with the concept of "emotives" by W. Reddy. Speeches by the leaders of Israel, the United States, Russia, India and France after six terrorist attacks from 1972 to 2015 allow to identify an integrated tripartite emotional structure, which is observed in each of the cases. This structure includes an emotive of pity; compensatory structure with the emotives of fighting fear through reciprocal determination; finally, an emotive of solidarity. This discursive structure functions in a stable way because the emotional code connects the type of event (terrorist attack) with the cultural script (tripartite structure). Finally, some approaches in sociological institutionalism would enrich future studies of emotion culture.