Unlike many other EU Member States, the higher education system in Luxembourg is marked by a particular characteristic, namely the fact that the University of Luxembourg is the only public university in the country. Established by law in 2003, the University of Luxembourg is therefore the main actor in the higher education system and hosts the large majority of international students in Luxembourg. In addition to the University of Luxembourg, two more types of institutions complement the higher education system in Luxembourg and are recognised by the Ministry of Higher Education and Research as higher education institutions (hereafter referred to as 'HEIs'), namely: 1. Secondary educational institutions offering educational programmes that award an advanced technician's certificate ('Brevet de technicien supérieur' – 'BTS'); 2. Private foreign universities having infrastructures or campus in Luxembourg. In order to be able to award higher education diplomas as well as to host international students, all HEIs are mandatorily required to be approved by the Ministry of Higher Education and Research, with the exception of the University of Luxembourg because it was established by law. The admission conditions for international students to study at a HEI in Luxembourg are twofold: First, the international student must apply and be accepted at an approved HEI or at the University of Luxembourg. Second, once accepted at a HEI, s/he needs to apply for a temporary authorisation of stay, and subsequently, if applicable, a Visa D (valid for 3 months), from his/her country of origin before being authorised to travel to Luxembourg and before being issued a 'student' residence permit (valid for minimum 1 year and renewable) in Luxembourg. To conclude, the HEIs in Luxembourg, under the overall auspice of the Ministry of Higher Education and Research, as well as the immigration authorities are the main stakeholders in the context of international students studying in Luxembourg. Luxembourg transposed the Directive (EU) 2016/801 by the Law of 1 August 2018, which amended the amended 'Immigration Law' and entered into force on 21 September 2018. In this context, the study highlights in particular the introduction of a new residence permit for 'private reasons' in view of seeking employment or establishing a business in Luxembourg. This residence permit was newly introduced by the transposition of the Directive and allows international graduates to remain in the country for a maximum duration of nine months in order to find a job or establish a business in relation to their academic training. Prior to the transposition, international students were only able to change their immigration status to 'salaried worker' immediately after their graduation. Moreover, the transposition modified a number of legal dispositions, such as the increase of the maximum amount of hours that students are authorised to work, from 10 hours to 15 hours per week. Furthermore, Bachelor students enrolled in their first year of academic studies as well as students enrolled in a study programme awarding them a 'BTS' are no longer excluded from exercising a salaried activity as allowed by law. Lastly, the transposition also facilitates the intra-European mobility of international students who follow a European or multilateral programme that contains mobility measures or a convention between two or more HEIs. The attraction and retention of international students are not considered as a national political priority per se by the Luxembourgish authorities, but have to be perceived in an overall national political priority of attracting "talents" to Luxembourg, i.e. (highly) qualified persons, regardless of their nationality and in the interest of the country and its economy. The stakeholders consulted in the context of this study identified several factors that may have positive effects on the attraction and retention of international students. These include, among others: - the geographical position of Luxembourg with an important financial sector and several European institutions - the multilingual environment of the country as well as the University of Luxembourg - the HEI ranking of the University of Luxembourg - the comparatively low levels of tuition fees, particularly of the national public HEIs - the fact that the level tuition fees is the same for every student, no matter his/her nationality, with the exception of examples from private HEIs Furthermore, the consulted stakeholders identified several examples of good practices in the context of this study, such as for example: - A close and diligent collaboration between all stakeholders, in particular between the Directorate of Immigration, the Ministry of Higher Education and Research and the University of Luxembourg - Quality management of private HEI (mainly through the approval procedure) in view of the best interest of students - Affordable tuitions fees in the higher education system At the same time, the consulted stakeholders have identified several challenges, such as: - the languages of instruction (with a strong emphasis on French and German especially at the Bachelor/'BTS' levels) and the primary working languages (French and Luxembourgish) - socio-economic factors, particularly the high costs of living and the challenge of finding affordable housing - authenticity and veracity of transmitted diplomas in the context of a diploma recognition - a challenging procedure related to the entrance exam for international students who hold a high school diploma issued in a country that is not a signatory country of Paris/Lisbon conventions - potential misuse of the 'student' residence permit in view of trying to stay in the country instead of succeeding in the studies. In addition to the major legislative change introduced by the transposition of the Directive and the various factors and challenges mentioned above, the study also highlights a number of initiatives, offered in particular by the University of Luxembourg, aiming to support international students after their graduation and to encourage them to establish and/or maintain a connection to the national labour market. The study concludes with a section on bilateral and multilateral cooperation with third countries, both at the level of the Luxembourgish State as well as at the level of HEIs, particularly of the University of Luxembourg.
Na osnovu analize izvornih arhivskih dokumenata i propisa objavljenih u službenim listovima, opisuje se djelokrug, ustroj i sastav Prezidijuma Sabora NRH. Njegovi temelji postavljeni su u radu Zemaljskog antifašističkog vijeća narodnog oslobođenja Hrvatske (ZAVNOH), odnosno njegova Predsjedništva, koje je kao uže tijelo plenuma osnovano 9. svibnja 1944. godine. Na Četvrtom zasjedanju održanom 24. i 25. srpnja 1945. u Zagrebu, ZAVNOH je promijenio naziv u Narodni sabor Hrvatske, a njegovo Predsjedništvo od tada djeluje kao Predsjedništvo Narodnog sabora Hrvatske. U razdoblju 1945.–1953. njegovo djelovanje može se podijeliti u četiri mandatna razdoblja: Predsjedništvo Narodnog sabora Hrvatske/Prezidijum Sabora NRH (25. srpnja 1945.–30. studenoga 1946.), Prezidijum Ustavotvornog sabora NRH (30. studenoga 1946.–20. siječnja 1947.), Prezidijum Sabora NRH prvoga saziva (20. siječnja 1947.–4. prosinca 1950.) i Prezidijum Sabora NRH drugoga saziva (4. prosinca 1950.–6. veljače 1953.). U prvom dijelu rada opisuje se osnivanje i prestanak rada Prezidijuma Sabora, u drugom njegov djelokrug, a u trećem ustroj i sastav po mandatnim razdobljima. Njegov ustroj i djelokrug uspoređeni su s ustrojem i djelokrugom Prezidijuma Narodne skupštine FNRJ i prezidijuma drugih jugoslavenskih republika. Rezultati istraživanja prezentirani su kombinacijom tematskog i kronološkog pristupa, a dijelom su sistematizirani u obliku tabelarnih prikaza. ; This paper describes the scope, structure and the composition of the Presidium of Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia (PRC) which was active as a political governmental body in Croatia from 1945 to 1953. According to the Yugoslav constitutional system of government, the same political body existed on the federal level as the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY), as well as in every republic-member of the Yugoslav federation and the scope, organization and composition of the Presidium of Parliament are compared with the scope, organization and composition of those bodies. The foundations of the activities of the Presidium of Parliament, as well as other central governmental institutions in Croatia (namely, Parliament, Government, and Supreme Court) were laid in the work of the State Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia (ZAVNOH) i.e. its Presidency, since until the end of the war they together performed the legislative, executive and judiciary government. During the 4th session that took place in Zagreb from 24 to 25 July 1945 ZAVNOH changed is title to the People's Parliament of Croatia and since then its Presidency worked as the Presidency of the People's Parliament of Croatia. In the period from 1945 to 1953 its activity can be divided into four mandate periods: the Presidency of the People's Parliament of Croatia/the Presidium of the Parliament of the PRC (25 July 1945–30 November 1946), the Presidium of the Constituent Parliament of the PRC (30 November 1946–20 January 1947), the Presidium of the 1st Session of the Parliament of the PRC (20 January 1947–4 December 1950) and the Presidium of the 2nd Session of the Parliament of the PRC (4 December 1950–6 February 1953). Its existence in the system of governmental power is the result of taking over the Soviet constitutional solutions about organizing the state and governmental institutions in the 1946 constitution of the FPRY and through it also in the constitutions of each federal unit. It was the main legislative body in the period until the constituting of the Constituent Parliament of the PRC, since the Parliament of the PRC only had a single short five-day session in late August 1946. This is confirmed by the information about 29 laws passed by the Presidium of Parliament in the period from 8 September 1945 to 20 November 1946. Besides legislative, it also performed other functions from the jurisdiction then belonging to the Parliament. The constitution of the PRC from 1946 bestowed upon it performing tasks that are usually given to the president of the state (representing in the country the people's and state sovereignty of the PRC, calling the general elections, granting pardons, awarding medals and recognitions), as well as other executive tasks partly closely linked to the legislative activities. The special function pertained to supervising the people's committees. The important difference in the scope in relation to the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the FPRY was that it did not have the authority in the area of foreign affairs. Even though the constitution of the PRC from January 1947 lists it together with the Parliament in the chapter on the highest bodies of the governmental power in Croatia, the sources and constitutional-legal texts of the time, in accordance with the principle of unity of power, define it as a body which "stems from the Parliament" and is subordinated to it. Also, despite being formally constitutionally defined as one of the highest bodies of governmental power in Croatia, in reality it was the Party's transmission, since the actual power and monopoly in decisionmaking was in the hands of the bodies of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia/the League of Communists of Yugoslavia i.e. the Communist Party of Croatia/the League of Communists of Croatia. It was a collegiate body comprised of members of the Parliament. The decision of its composition was formally passed by the Parliament, but based on the conclusions reached during sessions of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia. It was elected for the same term as the Parliament, but it continued to perform its duties after the dissolution of the Parliament, until the election of the new Presidium of Parliament. From 1945 to 1953 the total of 45 MPs were included in its activities. 13 of them were members during all four mandate terms, 11 during two and 14 during only one. The structure and the way of work were determined by the Rulebook dated from 7 August 1947. They were the exact copy of the structure and the way of work of the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the FPRY, with differences deriving from different jurisdictions (federal, republic) of these two bodies.
Trade in specialty agricultural products remains a significant foreign exchange earner for many developing countries that largely depend on the agricultural sector for their national income. With the changing consumers' tastes and preferences, production and marketing of specialty products could improve incomes of farmers particularly when such changes are accompanied by price increments for quality produce. The existing specialty varieties are bred to suit specific agro-ecological conditions and the preferences of both farmers and consumers. The cultivation of specialty varieties further appropriates the small-farm sector in most developing countries, characterized by small fragmented plots. It is therefore important to develop specialty agricultural products that are suited for small-scale agricultural production and could significantly improve the welfare of small-scale farmers. Rice production has contributed significantly to food security and poverty reduction among rural farming households of Vietnam for the past three decades. For instance, it accounts for 30% of total value of crops, and its cultivated area has consistently increased by 1.2% annually since 1986, resulting in annual increments by 1 million tons (Appendix 5). Over the years, the Government has focused on promoting export-oriented production, resulting in substitution of hybrid varieties by indigenous and traditional varieties including specialty rice (SR). However, adverse effects of climate change, poor yields, high production costs, and rice price volatility have led to declining incomes of rice farmers. The negative effects are exacerbated by the dwindling arable land, dysfunctional marketing farmer association, and limited investment in domestic rice value chains. As a mitigation measure, the Government is promoting SR production which demand is quickly growing in Vietnam by reviving the dysfunctional farmer associations to facilitate collective action in adoption of technologies, access to markets, and marketing information. Farmer associations play a significant role in knowledge transfer to farmers thereby facilitating adoption of SR varieties, which has been effective in minimizing pest resurgence from mixed variety cropping with variations in harvesting periods. The farmer associations also strive to overcome problems of information asymmetry thus ensuring that small-scale farmers fetch better prices for quality rice with brand names. With all these initiatives, several questions remain unanswered. For instance, the drivers of adoption of SR varieties and intensity of their adoption are not yet well understood. The existing literature focused on the role of collective action in facilitating adoption of hybrid and SR varieties although in most cases only qualitatively. None of the studies analyzed the effects quantitatively as we do in our study. Further, the effectiveness of such initiatives depends on farmers' preferences for marketing channels, an aspect that has not been fully studied before, at least in the SR context. From a New Institutional Economics perspective, market imperfections result in information asymmetries that also hinder technology transfer to farmers and access to input and output markets. This is also relevant in our study particularly in the three topics related to adoption of SR, collective action and choice of marketing channels. In spite of the increasing demand for SR varieties along with other value-added products which has been highlighted in recent studies, small-scale rice farmers still lack knowledge and marketing information in order to access such high-value markets. Besides, specialty crops contribute to biodiversity and improvement of local livelihoods. Therefore, more attention should be paid to the relation between specialty variety adoption and increasing production efficiency. This dissertation combines three essays on the adoption of SR, effects of collective action on technical efficiency (TE) and farmers' choice of marketing channels. We address these topics by using cross-section data collected from 336 rice farmers in the Red River Delta (RRD) region who were interviewed between October and December 2014. The RRD is one of the major rice producing regions of Vietnam, supplying specialty and high-value rice varieties to the domestic markets including Hanoi and other cities. The question whether smallholder farmers in developing countries can be integrated successfully into high-value supply chains by adopting specialty varieties remains unanswered. Also, and particularly for SR, the drivers of adoption and intensity of SR varieties and the subsequent choice of marketing channels are not clear yet. In the first essay, we follow the adoption behavior model based on the utility maximization criterion and adopt a two-step approach, starting with a Probit model for determinants of SR adoption then analyzing the intensity of adoption using a Tobit model. In general, the case of SR adoption in the RRD region contributes new insights into our understanding of the adoption decisions, especially with regard to the role of social networks and farmer group membership in rural areas. Social networks have a positive influence on SR adoption through knowledge exchange and collective decision-making in the groups. Based on the findings, we recommend strengthening farmers' networks to enhance SR production. The second essay provides an overview of current literature on collective action and its effects on rice production efficiency in developing countries. We analyze the effects of collective action (via SR farmer associations) on TE by using a Translog stochastic model. In the first part of our results, factors such as expenditure on labor and expenditure on other costs have a statistically significant impact on the SR yield. The results show a small variation in production efficiency among the households sampled. The average TE score of SR farmers in the RRD region is 77.1%. In this regard, farmers need to increase their productivity and efficiency as well as produce more SR varieties to increase their incomes from rice production. In the third essay, we finally examine the existing rice marketing channels and farmers' choice of these channels using a multi-specification model from 280 farmers growing SR varieties. We employed a Multinomial logit model to examine the drivers of farmers' choice of marketing channels. The results reveal that even though local collectors and wholesalers dominate the rice value chain in rural areas, farmers still prefer modern marketing channels (via collective marketing channels) because of higher price and reduction in transaction costs. This has been augmented by the expansion of information sources available to farmers.
У статті з позицій категоріального аналізу категорії ідеалу та на основі узагальнення наукового досвіду його осмислення у контексті таких наук про культуру, як філософія, філософія культури, мистецтвознавство, теоретично обґрунтовано доцільність включення концепту "ідеал" у категоріальний апарат культурології. ; В статье с позиций категориального анализа категории идеала и на основе обобщения научного опыта его осмысления в контексте таких наук о культуре, как философия, философия культуры, искусствоведение, теоретически обоснована целесообразность включения концепта "идеал" в категориальный аппарат культурологии. ; The article from the analysis of categorical position ideal categories, based on a synthesis of scientific expertisein the context of his understanding of the cultural sciences as philosophy, philosophy of culture, art theory, the expediencyof incorporating the concept of "ideal" in the categories of cultural studies.It is proved that the formation of new areas of human knowledge, including cultural studies needs to develop asa specific scientific methodology that would be served as effective tools for understanding cultural phenomena andmeanings, and design appropriate categorical apparatus to reflect the intrinsic properties of the culture on which carriedsystematization of cultural phenomena.In the cultural sciences is the problem of systematization of an integrated system of categorical apparatus. Traditionally,its formation was carried out by loan categories and concepts in philosophy, political science, sociology, psychology, linguistics andother disciplines, and adapt them to meet the needs of cultural studies, some categories do not have direct analogues in othersciences and in need of development and self-justification, others – with regard to research updates tools can be reinterpretedfrom the standpoint of modern ideological context of values and meanings of classic categories and concepts borrowed from otherfields of humanities. Calling into question the need for the solution of similar problems caused by the whole process of culturalknowledge, which made specific methods of analysis of culture and establish relevant cognitive model. In an ideal situation, we need to rebels understanding of this cultural phenomenon in modern cultural dimensions paradigm, which may create the conditionstaking into account the best achievements of domestic and foreign philosophical reflection of the past.Despite the fact that in the modern scientific literature accumulated a large amount of research devoted to understandinghow the ideal of philosophical and aesthetic (G. Gadamer, E. Kasyre, G. Cohen, G. Shpet, J. Boryev,O. Voevodin, L. Levchuk, V. Lychkovah, N. Vernygora, V/ Panchenko, L. Stolovych, V. Khmara, O. Ukhov, E. Yakovlevet al.), ethical (M. Brovko, Y. Afanasyev, V. Bitayev, A. Onishchenko, S. Ulanova, A. Fed, I. Fed et al.), teacher(G. Vashchenko A. Wisniewski, W. Kremen, A. Konovets, N. Kalita, N. Opanasenko, V. Sukhomlinsky, A. Skrynska),sociopolitical (B. Barkov, G. Dashutin, O. Kornienko, V. Lectorskyy, V. Makarenko, N. Mudrahey, A. Novikov, etc.). categoriesas cultural concept of science is not considered ideal.Methodological approaches to the study of the concept of the ideal articles selected categorical way of understandingculture, serving as a mechanism of cultural studies. The proposed approach is, in turn, provides an analysis ofthe concept of the ideal as a category of philosophy and culture category from the standpoint of historicism. In this regard,noted that the problem categories occupied an important place in most philosophical systems of the past. Yes,overarching categorization of individual things classically represented in the teaching of Aristotle on the category. Inmodern times, the doctrine of the categories developed by representatives of German classical philosophy. For Kant'scategories serve as a universal form, in which there is understanding of all things, a priori forms of mind, a way of summarizinglessons learned. The writings of Hegel's theory of categories were developed in three plans – purely logical,historically, in the context of the whole of culture.In keeping with the Marxist tradition of scientific research conducted categorical framework of philosophy ingeneral and the ideal, particularly national scientist's 60-80-ies of XX century.The methodology of Cultural important place belongs to the categories as the most fundamental and substantialnotion of cultural patterns, events, processes and relations, the essential characteristics of the culture, based on whichthe systematization of cultural phenomena studied and developed the methodology of knowledge. Based on the relevanceof contemporary cultural studies methodological search as an interdisciplinary field of knowledge, universal knowledgewhich is the subject of culture, the problem of the theoretical ideal status category within cultural studies involvesan appeal to the scientific understanding of the experience of this category in the space of the cultural sciences as philosophyof culture and art history.It is shown that a fruitful approach to understanding the categories and their role in the study of cultures of differentages invited prominent Soviet scientist A. Gurevich. S. Rubinstein in the "Man and the World" offers his approachto the categories of culture that takes into account the dependence of the definition of input from people in the circle oflife. VP Bran proposed concept classification values that are inextricably linked with the appropriate classification of ideals.In connection ideals, norms and values indicate B. Hubman. Describing the process of designing social systems ofthe human being, as regards the ideal of a certain type of project that embodies the idea of the perfect man and the perfectorganization of human life, the modern scientist M. Kagan.Based on the analysis in the article argues that it is the nature of the ideal values, specifying vectors for furtherdevelopment of culture and its focus on the future and ensure its projective character heuristic categorical potential dimensionsof cultural knowledge with the ability to attract and humanitarian methods of social analysis. As a cultural categorymay be the ideal for the detection and understanding of the value and meaning of the cultural dimension in whichthe accumulated social experience any human communities.Thus, the validity of the concept of separation as an ideal cultural concept due to the fact that it integrates ideological, normative values and projective aspect of the intrinsic properties of the culture, it fixed axiological, epistemologicaland aesthetic features of the development of culture and its modifications reflect the dynamics of culturaltransformations in certain historical stages. This creates conditions for further conceptualization of the notion of culturalideals within the theory and history of culture through bringing modern methodological strategies.
This interdisciplinary study examines the question of decolonizing the white colonizer in the United States. After establishing the U.S. as a nation-state built on and still manifesting a colonial tradition of white supremacy which necessitates multifaceted decolonization, the dissertation asks and addresses two questions: 1) what particular issues need to be taken into account when attempting to decolonize the white colonizer and 2) how might the white colonizer participate in decolonization processes? Many scholars in the fields this dissertation draws on -- Critical Race Theory, Critical Ethnic Studies, Coloniality and Decolonial Theory, Language Socialization, and Performance Studies -- have offered incisive analyses of colonial white supremacy, and assume a transformation of white subjectivities as part of the envisioned transformation of social, political and economic relationships. However, in regards to processes of decolonization, most of that work is focused on the decolonization of political and economic structures and on decolonizing the colonized. The questions pursued in this dissertation do not assume a simplistic colonizer/colonized binary but recognize the saliency of geo- and bio-political positionalities. As a result of these different positionalities, white U.S. citizens committed to participating in our own decolonization and in the decolonization of our (social, political, educational, and economic) structures and relationships with others must learn from but cannot simply imitate or appropriate decolonial methodologies developed by indigenous people and people of color.The title of this dissertation posits decolonization as an active ongoing process (through the use of the verb-form, i.e. "decolonizing") without guarantees (through the use of the question mark). Each chapter addresses a different yet interrelated aspect of this process:Chapter One intervenes in the reconstructionism versus abolitionism debate in Whiteness Studies, and offers p/reparations as a framework for redistributory practices and (inter)personal transformation and as a methodology through which the white colonizer might contribute to racial justice and decolonization projects. P/reparations processes are open-ended and include apologies, material and cultural redress, and structural change to ensure non-recurrence. By highlighting historical and contemporary processes of accumulation by dispossession, p/reparations processes emphasize interconnectedness and challenge the illusion of autonomous individuals, groups and nation-states. Thus, a p/reparations framework intervenes into discourses of meritocracy and equal opportunity; denaturalizes notions of citizenship, immigration, and the borders of nation-states; and provides counter-narratives to discourses of aid and charity which assume the assets being redistributed were legitimately acquired and that acts of redistribution should thus be met with gratitude. Chapter Two examines the ways in which the geographical control of bodies has been a key technology of white supremacist colonialism. Given the entanglement of geographical (im)mobility with social (im)mobility and an unequal racialized distribution of premature death, decolonization and the dismantling of white supremacy necessitates not only the redistribution of political and economic resources but divesting from U.S.-ness itself. As such, decolonization requires not only white abolitionism but also U.S.-abolitionism. This chapter interrogates the use of the trope of "the criminal" by both the nation-state and the prison industrial complex, and the ways in which these discourses are mobilized as threats to the white colonizer's "home." As such, this chapter argues that, for the white colonizer, one aspect of decolonization may require developing a relationship to home as a foreign concept as well as (in many cases) pursuing downward rather than upward mobility.Chapter Three suggests power-conscious hybridity as a technology the white colonizer can employ in the face of this challenge of needing to claim whiteness and U.S.-ness even as we seek to participate in their abolition. Hybridity emphasizes that no one is reducible to any particular "identity." In order not to disappear into colorblind "humanness," engage in cultural appropriation, and/or revalorize whiteness, however, the white colonizer's employment of hybridity must simultaneously involve (de)facing whiteness. (De)facing implies a double movement: facing whiteness, in all of its horror, without resorting to white flight; and defacing whiteness, both in the sense of destroying it and in the sense of de-facing it, i.e. undoing the notion that whiteness is human.Chapter Four examines issues of pedagogy and curricula inside and outside the classroom as they pertain to processes of recreating and transforming colonial white supremacy. This chapter critiques discourses of "equality of opportunity" as a primary ideological mechanism supporting colonial white supremacy in the current age of colorblind racism. Through participant-observation of two different attempts at "social justice" schooling (one at the high school level, one at the college level), it examines the creation of what Michel Foucault calls "docile bodies," and draws on pedagogies from theater as possibilities for cultivating counter-disciplines of the body. This chapter ends with a list of specific skills the white colonizer needs to learn for the purpose of decolonization. "Chapter" Five attempts to "practice what I preach" (in particular in relation to the colonial white supremacy institutionalized as epistemological hierarchies in the academy) by revisiting the topics of this dissertation in a live performance. This theoretical and methodological intervention enacts a response to critiques of the mind/body split in colonial epistemologies, and positions performance as analysis which must be engaged on its own terms -- rather than only as a methodology or phenomenon that is then analyzed in writing. This is also a pedagogical intervention which insists on the importance and legitimacy of multiple modalities of communication beyond writing within academia, and seeks to make academia feel accessible to a wider range of people with a range of learning and teaching styles.The Inconclusion addresses the question of why the white colonizer would want to decolonize. It argues that the prerequisite for wanting to decolonize is recognizing oneself as colonizer and all beings as interconnected. Then decolonization becomes not so much a choice as a spiritual--which is also to say political--imperative. As such, this dissertation argues not only against the mind/body split, but also against the mind/body/soul split by emphasizing the importance of politicizing and embodying spirituality and infusing political movements with spiritual convictions.
El compositor madrileny Julián Bautista (1901-1961) va escriure el 1934-1935 l'Estudio comparativo de los principales Tratados de Armoníaa partir de Jean-Philippe Rameau, possiblement amb motiu de les oposicions a la Càtedra d'Harmonia del Conservatorio Nacio nal de Música y Declamación de Madrid, que guanyà el 8 de juliol de 1936, només deu dies abans de l'alçament militar que encetà la Guerra Civil Espanyola i que provocà el posterior exili argentí del músic, el 1939. En aquest text inèdit, de 78 pàgines mecanografiades, Bautista analitza 24 tractats d'harmonia que abracen dos segles sencers i que procedeixen de teòrics belgues i francesos, com també d'alguns autors italians, alemanys i espanyols. Per aquest motiu, esdevé una font important per jutjar la recepció dels tractats estrangers a Espanya durant la Segona República.Alguns dels comentaris i avaluacions duts a terme per Bautista en l'Estudio comparativo palesen que el seu enteniment teòric de l'harmonia i del sistema tonal es vinculà estretament a la seva faceta de compositor. A fi d'indagar les suposades relacions entre el seu coneixement teòric i la pràctica compositiva, s'examinen els seus plantejaments harmònics en dues obres dels anys trenta: la Suite all'antica per a orquestra (1931-1938) i la segona cançó del cicle vocal Tres ciudades (1937). ; Der aus Madrid stammende Komponist Julián Bautista (1901-1961) verfasste zwischen 1934 und 1935 sein Estudio comparativo de los principales Tratados de Armonía a partir de Jean-Philippe Rameauvermutlich anlässlich seiner Bewerbung um den Lehrstuhl für Harmonik am Staatlichen Konservatorium für Musik und darstellende Kunst von Madrid, der ihm am 8. Juli 1936 übertragen wurde, nur zehn Tage vor dem Militärputsch, der zum Bürgerkrieg und, wenig später (1939) als Folge davon, zum argentinischen Exil des Musikers führen sollte. In diesem unveröffentlichten, 78 maschinenschriftliche Seiten umfassenden Text analysierte Bautista vierundzwanzig Traktate über Harmonielehre aus zwei Jahrhunderten von überwiegend belgisch-französischen Musiktheoretikern sowie einigen italienischen, deutschen und spanischen Autoren, weshalb der Essay eine wichtige Quelle für die Beurteilung der Rezeption ausländischer Musiktraktate in Spanien während der Zweiten Republik darstellt.Viele der von Bautista im Estudio comparativo geäußerten Kommentare und Bewertungen belegen, dass sein theoretisches Verständnis der Harmonik und des Tonsystems eng mit seiner Fassette als Komponist verknüpft war. Mit dem Ziel, die vermuteten Beziehungen zwischen seinen Theoriekenntnissen und seiner eigenen Kompositionspraxis aufzudecken, wird die harmonische Planung zweier Werke aus den 1930er Jahren untersucht: die Suite all'antica für Orchester (1931-38) und das zweite Lied des Vokalzyklus Tres ciudades (1937). ; The Madrid-born composer Julián Bautista (1901-1961) wrote his Estudio comparativo de los principales Tratados de Armonía a partir de Jean-Philippe Rameau in 1934/35, supposedly on the occasion of his application for a professorship of Harmony at the Conservatorio Nacional de Música y Declamaciónin Madrid, awarded on 8 July 1936, just ten days before the military uprising that led to the Spanish Civil War and the subsequent exile of the musician to Argentina (1939). In this unpublished text, comprising 78 typed pages, Bautista analysed twenty-four treatises on harmony spanning two centuries and mostly written by Belgian-French theorists as well as some Italian, German and Spanish authors, thereby providing an important source for judging the reception of foreign treatises in Spain during the Second RepublicMany of the comments and assessments made by Bautista in his Estudio comparativo show that his theoretical understanding of harmony and the tonal system was closely linked to his nature as a composer. With the aim of detecting the supposed relationships between his theoretical knowledge and his own compositional practice, will be examined two works of the thirties: the Suite all'antica for orchestra (1931-38) and the second song of the vocal cycle Tres ciudades (1937). ; El compositor madrileño Julián Bautista (1901-1961) redactó, en 1934-1935, su Estudio comparativo de los principales Tratados de Armonía a partir de Jean-Philippe Rameau, supuestamente, con motivo de las oposiciones a la cátedra de Armonía del Conservatorio Nacional de Música y Declamación de Madrid, ganados el 8 de julio de 1936, solo diez días antes del alzamiento militar que dio lugar a la Guerra Civil española y, en consecuencia, al posterior exilio argentino del músico (1939). En este texto inédito, de 78 páginas mecanografiadas, Bautista analizaba veinticuatro tratados de armonía que abarcan dos siglos y, en su mayor parte, proceden de teóricos belgo-franceses, así como de algún autor italiano, alemán y español, por lo cual constituye una fuente importante para juzgar la recepción de la tratadística extranjera en España durante la Segunda República.Muchos de los comentarios y de las valoraciones realizados por Bautista en el Estudio comparativo demuestran que su entendimiento teórico de la armonía y del sistema tonal estuvo estrechamente vinculado a su faceta de compositor. Con el fin de indagar las supuestas relaciones entre su conocimiento teórico y su propia práctica compositiva, se examinan los planteamientos armónicos en dos obras de los años treinta: la Suite all'antica para orquesta (1931-1938) y la segunda canción del ciclo vocal Tres ciudades (1937). ; Le compositeur madrilène Julián Bautista (1901-1961) rédigea en 1934-1935 son Estudio comparativo de los principales Tratados de Armonía a partir de Jean-Philippe Rameau supposément en raison du concours pour la chaire d'harmonie du Conservatoire National de Musique et Déclamation de Madrid, gagné le 8 juillet 1936, dix jours seulement avant le soulèvement militaire qui déboucha sur la guerre civile espagnole et le postérieur exil du musicien en Argentine (1939). Dans ce texte inédit de 78 pages dactylographiées, Bautista analysait vingt-quatre traités d'harmonie qui couvraient deux siècles et provenaient dans leur majorité de théoriciens belgo-français ainsi que de certains auteurs italiens, allemands et espagnols, ce qui constitue une source importante pour évaluer la réception de la tratadistique étrangère en Espagne sous la Deuxième République. Nombreux commentaires et évaluations réalisées par Bautista dans son Estudio comparativo démontre que son jugement théorique sur l'harmonie et le système tonal était étroitement lié à sa facette de compositeur. Dans le but de rechercher les relations supposées entre sa connaissance théorique et sa propre pratique de la composition, on examine les approches harmoniques dans deux oeuvres des années trente : la Suite all'antica pour orchestre (1931-38) et la deuxième chanson du cycle vocal Tres ciudades (1937).
Die folgende Datensammlung ist im Rahmen des HIWED - Projektes erstellt worden (HIWED = Historische Indikatoren der westeuropäischen Demokratien, finanziert von der Stiftung Volkswagenwerk). Das HIWED - Projekt wurde im Herbst 1973 am Lehrstuhl III für Soziologie der Universität Mannheim unter der Leitung von Wolfgang Zapf und Peter Flora begonnen und wurde ab 1977 am Forschungsinstitut für Soziologie der Universität zu Köln unter der Leitung von Peter Flora fortgeführt. Das Projekt hatte im Wesentlichen zwei Ziele: Das erste Ziel besteht in der Erstellung eines historischen Datenhandbuches mit quantitativen und qualitativen Daten zur "Modernisierung" der westeuropäischen Demokratien im Zeitraum von 1815 bis 1975 (Flora, P. u.a., 1983: State, Economy, and Society in Western Europe 1815-1975. A Data Handbook in Two Volumes. Volume I: The Growth of Mass Democracies and Welfare States. Volume II: The Growth of Industrial Societies and Capitalist Economies. Frankfurt/Main: Campus). Das zweite Ziel bestand in einer vergleichenden historischen Analyse der Entwicklung Wohlfahrtsstaaten und umfasste mehrere Einzelstudien, die sich u.a. mit der Entwicklung der öffentlichen Einnahmen und Ausgaben, der Sozialversicherungssysteme, der Einkommensverteilung und den staatlichen Bürokratien befassen. Die vergleichende Datensammlung zu dem Thema "Staatsausgaben in Westeuropa" in dem ersten Band des Datenhandbuchs ist - in komprimierter Form - ein Teil der Dissertation von Jürgen Kohl (Kohl, J., 1985: Staatsausgaben in Westeuropa: Analysen zur langfristigen Entwicklung der öffentlichen Finanzen. Frankfurt/Main: Campus). Vor dem Hintergrund der "Finanzkrise des Staates" und der Diskussion zu den "Grenzen des Sozialstaats" bzw. des Steuerstaates am Ende der 70er Jahre vermittelt die Studie von Jürgen Kohl eine empirisch fundierte Vorstellung von der historischen Entwicklung der Staatsausgaben und von den Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschieden im Vergleich der westeuropäischen Länder. Seit Adolph Wagners "Gesetz der zunehmenden Staatstätigkeit" (1893) gelten die öffentlichen Finanzen als ein besonders geeigneter Ansatzpunkt zur Analyse des Wandels der Staatstätigkeit. Im Wachstum und Strukturwandel der Staatsausgaben spiegelt sich der Funktionswandel der Staatstätigkeit. Die Studie gibt im ersten Teil eine systematische Literaturübersicht und diskutiert unterschiedliche Erklärungsansätze zur Analyse der langfristigen Entwicklung der öffentlichen Finanzen. Vergleichende empirische Analysen dokumentieren in dem zweiten Teil die nationalen Entwicklungsmuster und untersuchen das Wachstum und die Strukturveränderungen der Staatsausgaben im Kontext der sozio - ökonomischen und politischen Entwicklung anhand ausgewählter Indikatoren. Diese Indikatoren beziehen sich auf den Umfang der Gesamtausgaben des öffentlichen Sektors ("general government") bzw. der Zentralregierung ("central government") sowie auf die funktionale Struktur der Ausgaben. Um das Wachstum der Staatsausgaben in Relation zur gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung zu setzen, werden zwei Varianten von Staatsquoten herangezogen: Das Verhältnis der Gesamtausgaben zum Nettosozialprodukt zu Faktorkosten (NSP = Volkseinkommen) und das Verhältnis der Gesamtausgaben zum Bruttosozialprodukt zu Marktpreisen (BSP). Charakteristische Merkmale der nationalen Entwicklungsverläufe werden herausgearbeitet. Historische Zusatzinformationen und Hinweise zu den nationalen Besonderheiten der statistischen Erfassung werden für ein sachadäquates Verständnis der Daten in der Darstellung berücksichtigt. Ein weiter Aspekt betrifft die Zentralisierungstendenzen in der Verteilung der Ausgaben auf die staatlichen Ebenen ("central", "regional", "local"; in Deutschland: Zentralregierung, Bundesstaaten bzw. Länder sowie die Gemeinden und Gemeindeverbände). Im abschließenden Kapitel werden speziell die Entwicklungstendenzen der Staatsausgaben nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg untersucht. Hier stehen der Zusammenhang der Ausgabenentwicklung mit der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung, die Rolle der Sozialausgaben, die Bedeutung unterschiedlicher Regierungskonstellationen für die Ausgabenentwicklung im Vordergrund.
Das Kapitel 'Public Expenditure' des Datenhandbuchs "… presents data on total public expenditure and its functional breakdown in principle for each country, in a sequence of five tables. The first table contains the longer series of general and central government expenditure, in absolute figures and as a percentage of gross and net domestic product. The next two tables give an initial breakdown by major function, as percentages of gross domestic product and total public expenditure. The last two tables offer a more detailed breakdown of central and general government expenditure. In principle, a very broad concept of public expenditure has been used. It includes not only all levels of government (central, local, and where relevant, regional) but also social insurance, and is here called ´general government expenditure´. Public enterprises are not included or only with their net results (profits/deficits transferred to/covered by public expenditure) which are of minor importance. An attempt has been made to present only consolidated figures, i. e. to avoid a double counting of transfers among different levels of government or between them and social insurance institutions. This was possible in cases for which the financial data have been harmonized with the national accounts statistics. In earlier periods, for which a ´consolidation´ of public expenditure was not possible, these transfers were usually small. In practice, not all data are really based on this embracive concept of public expenditure. For some countries/ periods an inclusion of social insurance proved to be too difficult and in a few cases only data on central government expenditure have been available. The aggregate data on public expenditure, both for general and central government, are given in the first table (Public Expenditures) as absolute figures and as percentages of gross and net domestic product. In addition, this table also contains ´centralisation ratios´, i.e. the shares of central, ´regional´, and local government, and/or social insurance in total expenditure. The first two of the four tables (General and Central Government Expenditures by Major Function) offer a relatively crude breakdown of total expenditure. The single items are given as percentages of total expenditure and as per¬centages of gross domestic product. They are based on the more detailed breakdowns in the last two tables (General and Central Government Expenditures), i.e. certain adjacent functions have been aggregated as follows: - ´administration and justice´: general interior and financial administration, foreign affairs, judiciary and police; - ´economic and environmental services´: agriculture, industry and commerce, transport and communication; - ´social services´: social insurance and assistance, other social transfers, health, housing, education and science; - ´residual expenditure´: generally including interests on public debt; other items included are annotated" (Flora, P. u.a. (1983): State, Economy, and Society in Western Europe 1815-1975. A Data Handbook in Two Volumes. Volume I. The Growth of Mass Democracies and Welfare States. Frankfurt/Main: Campus, S. 345f). Die Datensammlung wurde ergänzt durch ausgewählte Zeitreihen aus zwei weiteren Publikationen (s.u.)
Datentabellen in HISTAT: Für 13 westeuropäische Länder liegen - jeweils in max. fünf Einzeltabellen untergliedert - folgende Variablengruppen vor (A – Tabellen): (a) Gesamte öffentliche Ausgaben sowie Ausgaben der Zentralregierung (in der jeweiligen Landeswährung), Staatsquoten (in % des Bruttosozialprodukts, in % des Nettosozialprodukts - Volkseinkommen), Zentralisierung (in %; Aufteilung der öffentlichen Ausgaben auf "central expenditures", "regional expenditures" und "local expenditures"). (b) Gesamte öffentliche Ausgaben nach Hauptfunktionen (in % des BSP; in % der Gesamtausgaben). (c) Ausgaben der Zentralregierung Hauptfunktionen (in % des BSP; in % der Gesamtausgaben). (d) Gesamte öffentliche Ausgaben nach Funktionen (in % der Gesamtausgaben). (e) Ausgaben der Zentralregierung nach Funktionen (in % der Gesamtausgaben).
Ergänzende Tabellen (B- und C-Tabellen): Daten aus Kohl, Jürgen (1985): Staatsausgaben in Westeuropa. Analysen zur langfristigen Entwicklung der öffentlichen Finanzen. Frankfurt/Main: Campus, S. 315 – 328. B.01 Gesamte öffentliche Ausgaben (1950-1980) B.02 Laufende öffentliche Einnahmen (1950-1980) B.03 Soziale Transferausgaben (1950-1980) B.04. Anteil der Gesamausgaben an den laufenden Einnahmen (Budgetsaldo I) (1950-1980) B.05 Anteil der laufende Ausgaben an den laufenden Einnahmen (Budgetsaldo II) (1950-1980) B.06 Anteil der Sozialausgaben am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1962-1980) B.07 Funktionale Struktur der Sozialausgaben (1962-1980)
C. Ausgewählte Daten aus Kohl, Jürgen (1992): Die öffentlichen Ausgaben, ihre Finanzierung und die Entwicklung des Staatssektors, in: Gabriel, O. W./Brettschneider, F. (Hrsg.), 1992: Die EU-Staaten im Vergleich. Strukturen, Prozesse, Politikinhalte. 2., überarb. A., Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, S. 359-383. C.01 Staatseinnahmen, Staatsausgaben und Saldo in europäischen Ländern, in Prozent des Bruttoinlandsprodukts zu Marktpreisen (1960-1990) C.02 Staatseinnahmen, Staatsausgaben und Saldo in europäischen Ländern, je Einwohner in DM, errechnet über Kaufkraftparitäten (1970-1990)
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John Dewey on the Horror of Making his Poetry Public
This April's Fools interview is a preview for 'The Return of the Theorists: Dialogues with Great Thinkers in International Relations' (ed. Ned Lebow, Peer Schouten & Hidemi Suganami), now available at Palgrave.
After various rounds of experimentation, two youthful IR scholars (the editor-in chief of this venture and Christian Bueger) bend space-time and access an alternate reality with the ambition to conduct an interview for Theory Talks with John Dewey. Dewey (1859-1952) was an American thinker often associated with a school of thought that has become known as American pragmatism. He is today largely known for his contributions to education studies, philosophy of science, and the theory of democracy. In this Talk, the young scholars sound out Dewey on what thinking tools his original worldview would provide for IR—after resolving a small embarrassment.
TT Dear Mr. Dewey. Thank you so much for your willingness to participate in this Talk. Theory Talks is an open-access journal that contributes to International Relations debates by publishing interviews with cutting-edge theorists. It is not often that Theory Talks is able to overcome space-time limitations and conduct a Talk with a departed theorist.
I am sorry—I think I have to interrupt you there…
TT Well, all right?
Yes, yes, the fact of the matter is that I am not a theorist and refuse to be associated with that label! To purify theory out of experience as some distinct realm, sirs, is to contribute to a fallacy that I have dedicated my life to combat! I am afraid that this venture of yours, of involving me in this Theory Talks, is stillborn.
TT Dear Professor Dewey—with all due respect, we are running ahead of matters here a little. The reason why we invited you is exactly for you to expound your ideas—and reservations—regarding theory, practice, and international relations. Would you be willing to bracket your concern for a minute? We promise to get back to it.
Well my dear sirs—it is that you insist on a dialogue—that restless, participative and dramatic form of inquiry that leads to so much more insight than books—and that you have travelled from far by means that utterly fascinate me, so I will give you the benefit of the doubt.
TT Thank you. And let us from the outset emphasize that by interviewing you for Theory Talks, we don't necessarily want to reduce your contribution to thought to the practice of theorizing. Isn't it also correct you have written poetry?
Now I am baffled a second time! I have never publicly attempted my hand at the noble art of the poetic!
TT It has to be said, Mr. Dewey, that the problem of what is and isn't public has perhaps shifted a bit since your passing away. That's something we'd like to discuss, too, but the fact of the matter is that what you have consistently consigned to the trashcan of your office at Columbia University has been just as meticulously recovered by 'a janitor with a long view'.
Oh heavens! You tell me I have been uncovered as a versifier? What of my terrible scribbling has been uncovered you say?
TT Well, perhaps you recognize the one that starts like:
I hardly think I heard you call
Since betwixt us was the wall
Of sounds within, buzzings i' the ear
Roarings i' the vein so closely near…
… 'That I was captured in illusion/Of outward things said clear…' I well remember—a piece particularly deserving of oblivion. I wrote that in the privacy of lonely office hours, thinking the world would have the mercy not to allow a soul to lay its eyes on it!
TT We are sorry to say that besides this one, a total of 101 poems has been recovered, and published in print—and you know, given some advances in technology, circulation of text is highly accelerated, meaning that one could very well say your poetry is part of the public domain.
So there I am, well half a decade after my death, subject to the indirect effects of advances in technology interacting with the associations I myself carelessly established between roses, summer days, and all too promiscuous waste bins! Sirs, in the little time we have conversed, I see the afterlife hasn't brought me any good. Hades takes on a bleaker shade…
TT Well, in reality, the future has been good to you: you are firmly canonised as one an authentic American intellectual, and stand firmly on a pedestal in the galleries occupied by the notables of modern international social thought. So why don't we explore a little bit why that is, within the specific domain of political theory? Theory Talks actually poses the same first three questions to every interviewee, followed by a number of questions specific to your thought. The first question we always pose is: What, according to you, is the biggest challenge or central debate in International Relations and what is your position vis-à-vis that challenge/debate?
I think that while it must have been noted by other interviewees that in fact this question is two separate questions—one about real-world challenges and another about theoretical debates—I would be the last to do so, and I am happy you mix concerns of theory and practice. I have always fought against establishing such a fictional separation between seemingly distinct domains of thought and practice. It is a dangerous fiction on top of it. The same goes for International Relations—while I have not dedicated myself to the study of the international as a discrete field of action, I do think that this domain does not escape some of the general observations I have made regarding society and its politics.
I hold that "modern society is many societies more or less loosely connected" by all kinds of associations. As I explain in The Public and its Problems, a fundamental challenge of modern times is that the largely technically mediated associations that constitute societies have outstretched the social mechanisms that we had historically developed on the human scale of the village to mitigate their indirect effects on others. During my life, I witnessed the proliferation of railway, telegraph, radio, steam-driven shipping, and car and weapon industries—thoroughly extending the web of association and affectedness within and across borders. This means action constantly reaches further. People close by and in far-off places are suddenly confronted with situations that they have to relate to but which are out of their control. This automatically makes them part of interested publics, with a stake in the way these mechanisations work. Now this perhaps seems abstract but consider: the spread of a new technology—I see you both looking on some small device with a black mirrored screen nervously every 5 minutes—automatically involves users as a 'stakeholder'. Your actions are mediated by them. You become affected by their design and configuration—over which you have little control. In that regard, you are part of a concerned public, but you have no way to influence the politics constitutive of these technologies.
I would say the largest challenge is to amplify participation and to institutionalize these fleeting publics. The proliferation of technologies and institutions as conduits for international associations has rendered publics around the globe more inchoate, while seemingly making it easier than ever before to influence—for good or ill—large groups through the manipulation of these global infrastructures of the public. We sowed infrastructures, we reap fragilities and more diffusely affected publics: each new technological expansion of the possibility to form associations leads to concomitant insecurities.
TT How did you arrive where you currently are in your thinking?
I have had the sheer luck or fortune to be engaged in the occupation of thinking; and while I am quite regular at my meals, I think that I may say that I would rather work, and perhaps even more, play, with ideas and with thinking than eat. I was born in the wake of the Civil War, and in times of a profound acceleration of technology as a vehicle of social, economic, and political development. Perhaps, as in your own times, upheaval and change was the status quo, stability a rare exception. My studies at Johns Hopkins with people such as Peirce had tickled an intellectual curiosity as of yet unsatisfied. I subsequently went to the University of Chicago for a decade in which my commitment to pragmatist philosophy consolidated. Afterwards at Columbia, and at the New School which I founded with people such as Charles A. Beard and Thorsten Veblen, this approach translated into a number of books. In these I applied my pragmatist convictions to such disparate issues as education, art, faith, logic and indeed politics, the topic of your question. For me, these are all interdependent aspects of society. This interdependence and inseparability of the social fabric means that skewed economic or political interests will reverberate throughout. But I am an optimist in that I also believe in the fundamental possibility and promise of science and democracy to curb radical change and reroute it into desirable directions for those affected. Good things are also woven through the social and we should amplify those to lessen the effects of negative associations.
TT What would a student require to become a specialist in International Relations or to see the world in a global way?
A question dear to my heart. You might know that throughout my entire life I have striven for transforming our understanding and practice of education. Human progress is dependent on education, and as I have learned during my travels to Russia, reform is not to be had by revolution but by gradual education. Education is training in reflective thinking. The quality of democracy depends on education.
Towards the end of my life I witnessed the creation of the United Nations. This was a clear signal to me that "the relations between nations are taking on the properties that constitute a public, and hence call for some measure of political organization". Having this forum implied that we saw the end of the complete denial of political responsibility of how the policies in one national unit affect another as we find in the doctrine of sovereignty. That the end of this doctrine is within reach means that we require global education which will ensure the rise of informed global publics which can develop the tools required to respond to global challenges.
In a more substantive fashion, I would insist that students hold on to the essential impossibility to separate out experience as it unfolds over time. The divisions and preferences that have come to dominate academic knowledge in its 20th century 'maturing' are for me a loss of rooting of knowledge in experience.
TT We're sorry, but isn't the task of social sciences to offer universal or at least objective analytical categories to make sense of the muddle of real-world experience? What you seem to be proposing is the opposite!
I align with Weber in lamenting the acceleration of the differentiation of understanding in society. This has made it difficult for your generations to address social, political and economic challenges head on while avoiding getting lost in one of its details or facets. Isn't the economic and the political, constantly encroaching on everyday life? In the end, this perhaps explains my insistence on democracy and schooling as the pivots of good society: democracy to reconstruct and defend publics, and schooling to defend individuals against (mis)understanding the world in ways that cannot be reduced to their own lived experience. If students could only hold on to this holistic perspective and eschew isolating subject matters from their social contexts.
TT Throughout your 70 years of active scholarship you have written over a thousand articles and books. One commentator of your work suggested that your body of writing is an "elaborate spider's web, the junctions and lineaments of which its engineer knows well and in and on which he is able to move about with great facility. But for the outsider who seeks to traverse or map that territory there is the constant danger of getting stuck." Many find your work difficult to navigate—what advice would you give the reader?
Sirs why would anyone want to engage in a quest of mapping all of my writings? You have to understand that thought always proceeds in relations. A web, perhaps, yes. A spider's web certainly not. A spider that spins a web out of himself, produces a web that is orderly and elaborate, but it is only a trap. That is the goal of pure reasoning, not mine. The scientific method of inquiry is rather comparable to the operations of the bee who collects material within and from the world, but attacks and modifies the collected stuff in order to make it yield its hidden treasure. "Drop the conception that knowledge is knowledge only when it is a disclosure and definition of the properties of fixed and antecedent reality; interpret the aim and test of knowing by what happens in the actual procedures of scientific inquiry". The occasion of thinking and writing is the experience of problems and the need to clarify and resolve them. Everything depends on the problem, the situations and the tools available. Inquiry does not rely on a priori elements or fixed rules. I always attempted to start my work by understanding in which problematic situations I aimed at intervening. Philosophy and academic, but also public life, in my time was heading in wrong directions that called upon me to initiate inquiry to resolve issues—in media res, as it were. When I wrote Logic, I tried to rebut dogmatic understandings. Now it appears that I am on the verge of becoming a dogma myself. In a sense, the most tragic scenario would be if people develop a "Deweyan" perspective or theory. Now I am curious, what problem brought you actually to converse with me?
TT Well, we are here today because we have been asked to contribute to an effort to collect the views of a number of different theorists, who, like you, live in different space-time. Now that we are here, could we ask you to tell us how you use the term 'inquiry'? It is one of your core concepts and in our conversation you already frequently referred to it. It is often difficult to understand what you mean by this term and how it provides direction and purpose for science…
It's a simple one, provided you have not been indoctrinated by logical positivists. You, me, all of us, frequently engage in inquiry. There is little distinction between solving problems of everyday life and the reasoning of the scientist or philosopher. Most often habit and routine will give you satisfaction. Yet when these fail or give you unpleasant experience, then reasoning begins. Without inquiry, sirs, most likely you wouldn't have been able to speak to me today! You will have to explain later how you bended time and space and which technology allowed you to travel through a black hole. But Albert was right, time travel is possible! Could we converse today without Einstein's fabulous inquiry that led him to the realization of space-time? Until the promulgation of Einstein's restricted theory of relativity, mass, time and motion were regarded as intrinsic properties of ultimate fixed and independent substances. Einstein questioned this on the basis of experimentation and an investigation of the problem of simultaneity, that is, that from different reference frames there can never be agreement on the simultaneity of events.
Reflection implies that something is believed in (or disbelieved in), not on its own direct account, but through something else which stands as witness, evidence, proof, voucher, warrant; that is, as ground of belief. At one time, rain is actually felt or directly experienced without any intermediary fact; at another time, we infer that it has rained from the looks of the grass and trees, or that it is going to rain because of the condition of the air or the state of the barometer. The fact that inquiry intervenes in ever-shifting contexts demands us to restrain from eternal truths or absolutistic logic. Someone believing in a truth such as "individualism", has his program determined for him in advance. It is then not a matter of finding out the particular thing which needs to be done and the best way, and the circumstances, of doing it. He knows in advance the sort of thing which must be done, just as in ancient physical philosophy the thinker knew in advance what must happen, so that all he had to do was to supply a logical framework of definitions and classifications.
When I say that thinking and beliefs should be experimental, not absolutistic, I have in mind a certain logic of method. Such a logic firstly implies that the concepts, general principles, theories and dialectical developments which are indispensable to any systematic knowledge are shaped and tested as tools of inquiry. Secondly, policies and proposals for social action have to be treated as working hypotheses. They have to be subject to constant and well-equipped observations of the consequences they entail when acted upon and subject to flexible revision. The social sciences are primarily an apparatus for conducting such investigations.
TT Doesn't such a form of reasoning mean we'll just muddle through without ever reaching certainty?
Absolutely correct! Arriving at one point is the starting point of another. Life flowers and should be understood as such; experimental reasoning is never complete. I can imagine the surprise you must feel at sudden unforeseen events in international political relationships when you hold on to fixed frames of how these relationships do and ought to look. That we will never reach certainty does not imply to give up the quest of certainty, however. We have to continuously improve on our tools of scientific inquiry…
TT Sorry to interrupt you here. Now it sounds as if you have a sort of methods fetish. Do you imply that everything can be solved by the right method and all that we have to do is to refine our methods? That's something that our colleagues running statistics and thinking that the problems of international can be solved by algorithms argue as well.
It might be that mathematical reasoning has well advanced since my departure, and that the importance granted to the economy and economic thinking as the sole conditioning factor of political organisation has only increased, but you haven't fully grasped what I mean by 'tools'. Tell your stubbornly calculating colleagues that inquiry is embedded in a situation, hence there cannot be a single method which would fix all kinds of problems. Second, while I admire the skill of mathematicians, what I mean by tools goes well beyond that. A tool can be a concept, a term, a theory, a proposal, a course of action, anything that might matter to settle a particular situation. A tool is however not a solution per se. It is a proposal. It must be tested against the problematic material. It matters only in so far as it is part of a practical activity aimed at resolving a problematic situation.
TT You emphasize that language is instrumental and reject the idea of a private language. You also spent quite some energy to demolish the "picture theory" of language. These arguments form the basis of what we call today "constructivism", yet they are mainly subscribed to the Philosophical Investigations of the later Ludwig Wittgenstein.
Earhh, I am aware of this fellow. He is an analytical philosopher, so develops his argument from a different background. I started to work on the social and cultural aspects of language use from around 1916. I don't know whether Wittgenstein actually read my work when he set out to write Philosophical Investigations, but you are quite right, there are obvious parallels. I think my own term of "conjoint activity" expresses pretty much the same, perhaps less eloquently, what Wittgenstein termed language games. I am pleased to hear, however, that the instrumental view on language, that objects get their meanings within a language in and by conjoint community of functional use, has become firmly established in academia. I'd have reservations about the term, 'constructivism'. It might be useful since it reminds us of all the construction work that the organization of politics and society entails. Indeed I have frequently stressed that instrumentalist theory implies construction. If constructivism doesn't mean post-mortem studies of how something has been constructed, but is directed towards production of better futures, I might be fine with the term. But perhaps I would prefer 'productivism'.
TT That is a plausible term, but we are afraid, the history of science has settled on constructivism. And you are right, the tendencies you warn us of are significantly present in our discipline.
Sirs, if you permit. I have to attend to other obligations. I wish you safe travels back. Make sure you pick up something from the gift shop before you leave.
The question of how to balance environmental protection with economic growth is at the forefront of policy agendas around the world. For Peru, environmental issues have opened new perspectives on how to manage natural resources while combating poverty and pursuing economic growth. A way of responding to the political and economic crisis of the eighties was the process of stabilisation, structural reform, and reform of the state that took place in Peru starting from 1991. The implementation of reforms, at the national level, implied the adoption of a new institutional and regulatory framework. Those reforms included market liberalisation, privatisation of state-owned enterprises and trade liberalisation. Environmental institutions and regulations have found a place in that framework. The reform process in the Peruvian case refers to a paradigm change from an attempt to emulate the economic and political systems of European welfare states (prevalent in the sixties and seventies) to a liberal political and economic system following the path inspired by the Chicago School of Economics in the eighties. In Peru, the failure in the implementation of successful economic policies targeting the poor ended undermining the system that sustained the political parties, aiding to its atomisation and eventual demise. Thus, in the political realm, Peru is a democracy in transition that still needs to strength the pillars of the democratic institutions that embody the political system. In Peru, the introduction of sustainable development issues took place first at the level of institutions and regulations. One of the sectors that had to adapt the most to the introduction of environmental issues was mining. Peru possess 16 percent of the world reserves of silver, 15 percent of reserves of copper, 7 percent of the world reserves of zinc, and important volumes of reserves on other strategic minerals. Mining is a capital-intensive activity and usually has had an important toll in the regions in which has been carried on. The reforms prompted during the nineties had as aim to open mining resources to foreign and national private investors that, in exchange of favourable tax and revenue conditions, would invest the amounts necessary to develop a sector which was languishing after ten years of internal war. The copper and gold mining sectors have been the busiest during the last decade and represented the most important part of Peruvian mining exports as well. In terms of gold mining production, Peru is consistently the largest producer in Latin America and the eight largest worldwide. Environmental policies in the mining sector were regarded with distrust by the economic actors. The main argument was that environmental conditions would be an additional obstacle to investment, putting the country in disadvantage in relation to others when attracting foreign capital. The approach favoured was to have as few regulations as possible. Mining operators were not motivated to undertake costly industrial renewal and re-engineering techniques. At the same time, environmental NGOs and CBOs were actively advocating for a sound environmental policy framework for the mining sector. Meanwhile, the government was mainly interested in achieving economic growth, with environmental liabilities as a second priority. The approach taken was to facilitate large project investment on natural resources extraction in Peru, particularly in the mining, gas and oil sectors. The subject matter of this research is to study environmental policies in the context of political transition in the mining sector in Peru. This research is set up in the fields of political sciences and public policy. The research focuses on the institutions and actors interacting in the context of public policies for the environment in the mining sector in Peru, taking as case study the conflicts emerged through gold exploration in Northern Peru (Yanacocha, Cajamarca) during the period 1999-2004. Significantly, the research has as background the political struggles emerged during the same period, due to the transition from an authoritarian to a democratic government in the country. The overall objective is to contribute to a better understanding of the role of institutions and actors in the design and implementation of environmental policies through an analysis of the institutional and regulatory framework underlying such policies. The aim of this research is to contribute filling the gap in the academic research on how the implementation of environmental policy at the national level takes place, in the context of political change. This research will provide insight on in how far environmental problems are rooted in the overall development problems the country faces. The research shall contribute to the discussion on environmental policy in unstable political settings, adding inputs into the debate on the process of reform of the state, as proposed in Peru in the last years. The final aim is to contribute to an improved policy making process in the environmental field, taking into account the case of countries like Peru, subject to political instability and dependant on natural resources extraction for economic growth. The case study of this research is gold mining extraction in the Peruvian Northern Andes (Cajamarca) carried out by Minera Yanacocha S.R.L., a joint venture of Newmont Mining Co. (U.S.A.), Compañía de Minas Buenaventura S.A. (Peru), and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) of The World Bank Group. Yanacocha is the second biggest goldmine in the world. The Yanacocha case brings together issues of interaction between government agencies at the national and at the regional and local levels, public participation and grievances, interaction of power and lobby groups, environmental damages with international repercussions, environmental issues as trigger for political claims, foreign investment involvement added to international financial institutions backing, among the most important. MYSRL is now the largest Latin American gold producer, while Cajamarca from being the fourth poorest department in Peru has gone to become the second poorest. The Peruvian case is worth studying, as environmental institutions and regulations have been set up in the context of a state under reform and political instability. Mining in Peru is an economic sector in strong conflict with environmental interests. To study the case of the Peruvian gold mining can give us important lessons to draw on for the design and implementation of environmental policy and law in the context of political change processes. For that reason, it is an ideal ground for exploring in how far successful environmental policies are possible to achieve under reform and transition conditions. Because of the economic importance of mining in the Peruvian context and the different interests at stake, a case study for the analysis of the institutional and regulatory framework for the environment in Peru is relevant as it helps analyse the links between political and economic issues and environmental problems. Furthermore, the mining sector reflects almost accurately the balance of interests, power and decision making processes (relating to public policy and environment) in Peru. Chapter 2 presents an analysis of the theoretical building blocks that inform the concept of "environmental policy." In Chapter 3, a historical perspective is taken to analyse the introduction of environmental issues in the Latin American context. In Chapter 4, after an introduction to the political system of Peru, the political and economic background of the country is discussed, in the light of the process of reform of the state that took place during the nineties, parallel to the introduction of environmental policies in Peru. In Chapter 5, the Peruvian institutional and regulatory framework for the environment is analysed. Further, Chapter 5 analyses the environmental policies introduced in the country as part of the process of reform of the state during the nineties. Chapter 6 presents the mining sector and the environment in Peru. In Chapter 7, the case of gold exploration in the Northern Peruvian Andes by Minera Yanacocha Sociedad de Responsabilidad Limitada is analysed. This is an example of the problems stemming from large-scale mining projects. In the light of the conflicts of Cajamarca, environmental, mining and public policies need to be reassessed to attain a logical framework that can effectively serve to promote private investment, while, at the same time, strengthening human rights. The inclusion of participation, empowerment, good governance, and accountability in the Peruvian political system is a duty to allow democracy to take root in the context of a society that still has very much to overcome and achieve to deliver effectively the promise of development to its citizens. ; Umweltpolitik im politischen Übergangsprozess - Der peruanische Bergbausektor und der Yanacocha Goldbergbau Die Frage, wie Umweltschutz mit wirtschaftlichem Wachstum in ein Gleichgewicht gebracht werden kann, ist Gegenstand politischer Programme auf der ganzen Welt. Für Länder wie Peru haben Umweltfragestellungen neue Perspektiven eröffnet, insbesondere wie natürliche Ressourcen gemanagt werden können, während zugleich die Armut bekämpft und wirtschaftliches Wachstum erreicht wird. Wege, um den politischen und wirtschaftlichen Krisen in den achtziger Jahren zu begegnen, waren ein Prozess der wirtschaftliche Stabilisierung, strukturelle Reformen und die Reform des Staates, welche in Peru seit 1991 unternommen werden. Die Implementierung der Reformen auf der nationalen Ebene implizierte die Annahme eines neuen institutionellen und rechtlichen Rahmens. Diese Reformen umfassten die Liberalisierung des Marktes, die Privatisierung von staatseigenen Unternehmen und die Liberalisierung des Handels. Umwelt Institutionen Umweltrecht haben einen Platz in diesem Rahmen gefunden. Der Transformationsprozess beruht auf einem Paradigmenwechsel ausgehend von dem Versuch, den wirtschaftlichen und politischen Systemen der europäischen Wohlfahrtsstaaten nachzueifern (weit verbreitet in den sechziger und siebziger Jahren) hin zu einem liberalen politischen und wirtschaftlichen System, das den von der Chicago School of Economics in den achtziger Jahren empfohlenen Weg verfolgte. Im Falle Perus bewirkte das Scheitern des Versuchs einer erfolgreichen, auf die Bekämpfung der Armut abzielenden Wirtschaftspolitik, eine Schwächung jenes Systems, das die politischen Parteien aufrecht hielt und führte zu seiner Atomisierung und endgültigen Auflösung. Auf der anderen Seite ist Peru im politischen Bereich eine Demokratie in Übergang, die Säulen des politischen Systems und die demokratischen Institutionen, die es verkörpern, weiter stärken muss. In Peru wurden Fragestellungen einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung zuerst auf der Ebene der Institutionen und der gesetzlichen Bestimmungen behandelt. Einer der Sektoren, der sich am meisten auf die Einführung von Umweltregelungen anpassen musste, war der Bergbau. Peru besitzt 16 Prozent der Weltreserven an Silber, 15 Prozent der Reserven an Kupfer und 7 Prozent der Weltreserven an Zink, sowie wichtige Anteile an den Reserven anderer strategischer Mineralien. Bergbau ist ein kapitalintensives Betätigungsfeld und für gewöhnlich hat er in den Regionen, in denen er sich entwickelte, bedeutende Auswirkungen entfaltet. Die in den neunziger Jahren veranlassten Reformen hatten zum Ziel, die Ressourcen innerhalb des Bergbaus ausländischen und nationalen privaten Investoren zu öffnen, die im Austausch mit günstigen Steuerbedingungen und Gewinnmöglichkeiten die notwendigen immensen Beträge investieren würden, um einen Sektor zu entwickeln, der nach zehn Jahren Bürgerkrieg stagnierte. Der Kupferbergbau und der Goldbergbau waren in der vergangenen Dekade am größten und stellten zugleich den wichtigsten Teil der peruanischen Exporte aus dem Bergbausektor. Im Hinblick auf die Produktion von Gold im Bergbau ist Peru der größte Produzent in Lateinamerika und der achtgrößte weltweit. Umweltpolitik im Bergbausektor wurde mit Zweifel betrachtet. Das Hauptargument lag darin, dass Umweltkonditionen zusätzliche Hindernisse darstellen, die das Land gegenüber anderen im Hinblick auf die Gewinnung von ausländischen Investitionen benachteiligt. Der bevorzugte Ansatz war, so wenig gesetzliche Bestimmungen wie möglich zu haben. Im Bergbau aktive Konzerne besaßen keine Motivation, kostspielige industrielle Erneuerungen auf sich zu nehmen und neue Techniken einzuführen. Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NGOs) im Bereich der Umwelt und in den Gemeindeverwurzelte Organisationen (CBOs) traten aktiv für einen soliden (rechtlichen) Rahmen zur Umweltpolitik im Bergbausektor ein. Das Interesse der Regierung galt indessen nur dem wirtschaftlichen Wachstum, sogar auf Kosten von Belastungen für die Umwelt. Ihr Ansatz war, jedes größere Investitionsprojekt bezüglich des Abbaus von natürlichen Ressourcen in Peru zu fördern, im Besonderen im Bergbau und in den Sektoren Gas und Öl. Das Thema dieser Arbeit ist die Untersuchung der Umweltpolitik im Bergbausektor im Kontext des politischen Übergangs in Peru. Diese Forschungsarbeit ist den Bereichen der Politikwissenschaft und der öffentlichen Politik zuzuordnen. Sie legt einen Fokus auf die Institutionen und Akteure, welche im Kontext der Umweltpolitik im Bergbausektor in Peru interagieren. Als Fallbeispiele werden die Konflikte gewählt, welche aufgrund des Goldabbaus im Norden Perus (Yanacocha, Cajamarca) im Zeitraum 1999-2004 aufkamen. Bedeutungsvoll ist, dass die politischen Auseinandersetzungen, die im gleichen Zeitraum angesichts des Übergangs von einer autoritären zu einer demokratischen Regierungsform im Land stattfanden, den Hintergrund der Untersuchung bilden. Die allgemeine Zielsetzung besteht darin, einen Beitrag zu einem besseren Verständnis der Rolle von Institutionen und Akteuren hinsichtlich der Gestaltung und Implementierung von Umweltpolitik, durch eine Analyse des dieser zugrunde liegenden institutionellen und rechtlichen Rahmens, zu leisten. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, dazu beizutragen, die Lücke in der wissenschaftlichen Forschung hinsichtlich der Frage zu schließen, wie sich die Implementierung von Umweltpolitik auf der nationalen Ebene im Kontext eines politischen Wandels vollzieht. Diese Arbeit wird in ein Thema Einblick gewähren: Inwieweit sind Umweltprobleme in den allgemeinen Entwicklungsproblemen verwurzelt, mit denen das Land konfrontiert wird? Die Untersuchung soll einen Beitrag zur Diskussion über Umweltpolitik in einer unsicheren politischen Umgebung leisten und der Debatte über einen Reformprozess eines Staates – wie der Reformprozess, der in Peru in den letzten Jahren stattfand – Impulse gab. Letztendlich ist das Ziel, zu einem verbesserten Prozess der Politikgestaltung im Umweltbereich für Länder wie Peru beizutragen, die politische Instabilität unterworfen sind und für wirtschaftliches Wachstum vom Abbau natürlicher Ressourcen abhängig sind. Das Fallbeispiel dieser Dissertation ist der Abbau von Gold in den nördlichen peruanischen Anden (Cajamarca), die von "Minera Yanacocha S.R.L." vorgenommen wird, einem Gemeinschaftsunternehmen der "Newmont Mining Co." (Colorado, U.S.A.), der "Compañía de Minas Buenaventura S.A." (Lima, Peru) und der "International Finance Corporation" (IFC) der Weltbankgruppe. Yanacocha ist die zweitgrößte Goldmine der Welt. Der Fall Yanacocha vereint unter anderem Fragen des Zusammenspiels zwischen Behörden auf der nationalen sowie der regionalen und lokalen Ebene, öffentliche Partizipation und Beschwerden, das Zusammenspiel von Macht und Lobbygruppen, Umweltschäden mit internationalen Auswirkungen, Umweltfragestellungen als Auslöser für politische Ansprüche, die Beteiligung ausländischer Investoren, die von internationalen Finanzinstitutionen unterstützt werden. MSRL ist mittlerweile der größte Goldproduzent Lateinamerikas, während Cajamarca vom viert ärmsten Department in Peru zum zweit ärmsten geworden ist. Eine Untersuchung von Peru lohnt sich, da die Institutionen und gesetzlichen Bestimmungen bezüglich der Umwelt im Kontext eines reformierenden Staates und politischer Instabilität festgelegt wurden. Peru hat mit dem Bergbausektor einen wirtschaftlichen Bereich, der Umweltinteressen konfliktreich gegenüber steht. Im Rahmen der Untersuchung des peruanischen Goldabbaus können wichtige Schlussfolgerungen in Bezug auf die Ausgestaltung und Implementierung vom Umweltpolitik und Umweltrecht im Kontext von politischen Veränderungsprozessen gezogen werden. Aus diesem Grunde ist das Fallbeispiel ideal, um zu ergründen, inwieweit die Realisierung einer erfolgreichen Umweltpolitik unter Reform- und Transformationsprozessen möglich ist. Aufgrund der wirtschaftlichen Bedeutung des Bergbaus in Peru und wegen der verschiedenen und oft konträren Interessen, die auf dem Spiel stehen, ist eine Fallstudie für die Analyse der institutionellen und rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen für die Umwelt in Peru relevant, da sie die Verbindungen zwischen politischen und wirtschaftlichen Fragestellungen sowie Umweltproblemen veranschaulicht und wichtigen Schlussfolgerungen für die Zukunft ermöglicht. Der Bergbausektor zeigt zudem unterschiedliche Interessen sowie die Macht- und Entscheidungsprozesse (bezüglich Politik und Umwelt), auf da für gewöhnlich die Entscheidungen hinsichtlich des Bergbausektors aufgrund der bereits erwähnten wirtschaftlichen Bedeutung auf der höchsten Ebene getroffen werden. Kapitel 2 bietet eine Analyse der Bausteine des theoretischen Gerüstes, das das Konzept der "Umweltpolitik" behandelt. In Kapitel 3 wird eine historische Perspektive vorgenommen, um die Einbringung von Umweltfragestellungen im lateinamerikanischen Kontext zu analysieren. In Kapitel 4 wird nach einer Einführung in das politische System Perus der politische und wirtschaftliche Hintergrund Perus im Lichte des Reformprozesses des Staates diskutiert, der in den neunziger Jahren parallel zur Einführung einer an der Umwelt orientierten Politik eingeleitet wurde. In Kapitel 5 wird der institutionelle und rechtliche Rahmen bezüglich der Umwelt des Landes analysiert. Weiter, Kapitel 5 analysiert weiter die Umweltpolitik, die als Teil des Reformprozesses des Staates in den neunziger Jahren im Land eingeführt wurde. Kapitel 6 stellt den Bergbausektor und die Umwelt in Peru vor. In Kapitel 7 wird das Fallbeispiel des Goldabbaus durch die Minera Yanacocha Sociedad de Responsabilidad Limitada (MYSRL) in den peruanischen nördlichen Anden analysiert. Im Lichte der Konflikte in Cajamarca müssen die Umweltpolitik, die Politik hinsichtlich des Bergbaus und die öffentliche Politik überdacht werden, um schlüssige Rahmenbedingungen zu schaffen, mit denen wirksam für private Investitionen geworben werden kann, und die zugleich nicht die Bürger gegenüber den privaten Investoren ungeschützt lassen. Die Einbeziehung von Partizipation, empowerment, good governance und Verantwortlichkeit in das politische System Perus ist eine Pflicht, damit die Demokratie in einer Gesellschaft Wurzeln schlagen kann, die noch immer viel überwinden und erreichen muss, um wirkungsvoll das seinen Bürgern gegebene Versprechen auf Entwicklung einzulösen.
In contrast to topical trends of mediatic discourse analysis (predominantly focused on newspapers from the 21st century), this thesis aims at analyzing the discourse of a French newspaper called Le Petit Comtois (1883-1944). Rooted in various fields of research, namely corpus linguistics, "discourse analysis from a historical viewpoint" (Robin, Maldidier, Guilhaumou), "textual analysis of discourse" (Adam, Heidmann) and lexical statistics (Lebart, Salem), this thesis questions the contributions of a new numerical philology (Rastier; Viprey).This work is based on two complementary axes of research: on the one hand, we worked on the constitution of a textual database with the aim of accurately editing, controlling and normalizing it in order to allow for a revival of interdisciplinary studies led on regional 19th century newspapers. Therefore, our point is to propose some methodological approaches in order to overcome technical obstacles which occur during the acquisition and the sharing of large volume of textual data. The construction and the normalization of the database condition the heuristic confrontation of points of views and the choice of textual sciences methods for the analysis.On the other hand, our objectives are to highlight the specificities of Le Petit Comtois discourse during the period 1883-1903. Exploring a 5.5 million-word corpus, we mainly use the textual statistical methods to produce the emergence of the linguistic, textual and discursive reliefs of the text itself in order to use them as clues for the continuation of the analysis, with the aim to overtake the traditional entrance of the vocabulary used in lexicometry and its ways to approach textuality. ; À la différence des tendances actuelles de l'analyse du discours médiatique, majoritairement tournée vers la presse nationale contemporaine, notre thèse vise un titre régional du XIX e siècle : Le Petit Comtois (1883-1944). Plongeant ses racines dans différents terreaux de recherche, à savoir la linguistique de corpus, l'analyse du discours du côté de l'histoire (Guilhaumou, Robin), la statistique textuelle (Lebart, Salem) et l'analyse textuelle du discours (Adam, Heidmann), cette thèse interroge les apports d'une nouvelle philologie numérique (Rastier; Viprey, Mayaffre) se fixant pour programme de renforcer l'accès aux matérialités discursives.Cette thèse articule ainsi deux axes de recherche complémentaires : d'une part, les conditions de la constitution d'une base de données textuelles finement établies, contrôlées et normalisées selon les recommandations XML-TEI, visant à favoriser le renouveau des lectures interdisciplinaires de la presse régionale de la Troisième République (chapitre II).Il s'agit, ce faisant, de proposer des pistes méthodologiques en vue de la levée des obstacles techniques pesant sur l'acquisition et le partage de grands volumes de données textuelles, dont dépendent les avancées des sciences du texte. Partant, on replacera ces pistes dans la perspective des débats théoriques contemporains en linguistique textuelle et linguistique de corpus.D'autre part, notre objectif est d'apporter un éclairage sur le discours du Petit Comtois sur la période 1883-1903 à partir d'un corpus de 5,5 millions de mots en articulant diverses méthodologies et niveaux d'analyse, de sorte à appréhender dans toute son hétérogénéité et sa complexité l'objet texte. Si notre recherche s'appuie principalement sur les outils de la statistique textuelle qui permettent de faire monter du corpus lui-même ses reliefs linguistiques, textuels, discursifs, envisagés comme des vecteurs d'exploration, elle vise à dépasser la traditionnelle entrée du vocabulaire sur laquelle se fonde la lexicométrie, et ses modes d'approche traditionnels sur cette entrée même.Parce qu'un texte est tout d'abord inscrit sur un support matériel signifiant, notre premier temps d'analyse textuelle du discours du Petit Comtois (chapitre III) est ainsi consacré à l'analyse de la mise en forme de l'information, telle qu'elle se donne à lire à travers l'organisation matérielle de l'aire scripturale (Peytard) et les niveaux d'organisation que sont le rubriquage et le système de titres du quotidien.Plus qu'un simple « chemin de fer » ayant pour fonction de catégoriser l'information, le rubriquage constitue un des ressorts principaux de la rédaction pour hiérarchiser l'information. Parce qu'il rend compte des catégories par lesquelles le quotidien découpe le monde, ce niveau constitue un lieu d'accès privilégié à l'identité du quotidien. Une analyse quantitative du rubriquage, mesurant la surface, l'emplacement topographique de chaque rubrique, sa fréquence moyenne, nous a permis d'observer, outre les thématiques principales du quotidien, les stratégies par lesquelles celui-ci hiérarchisait l'information. Ce volet d'analyse nous a permis d'observer que Le Petit Comtois, à l'instar de la presse quotidienne régionale de la Troisième République, fait la part belle aux événements de portée nationale et internationale, ainsi qu'à la vie politique de la Troisième République. Un examen linguistique des intitulés de rubrique du journal a pour sa part démontré la forte mise en valeur de la coïncidence de la temporalité de l'imprimé quotidien avec celle du monde, ainsi qu'une forte persistance des liens avec la matrice littéraire (Thérenty), perceptible notamment à travers la prédominance des intitulés de rubrique référant à l'écriture épistolaire.Notre intérêt s'est ensuite porté sur les titres du Petit Comtois, dont nous avons interrogé les caractéristiques linguistiques et fonctionnelles, les variations et les régularités en diachronie. Celles-ci ont été analysées à partir de l'étude d'un sous-corpus substantiel de 6910 titres, extrait d'une des rares rubriques comportant des titres de façon permanente de 1883 à 1903 : les « dépêches de nuit ». En premier lieu, au terme de l'analyse, a été dégagée la fonction de classification de l'information dans un horizon thématique, géographique ou historique assurée par les titres, au détriment d'une fonction d'annonce et de condensation de l'information principale de la dépêche. En second lieu, dans cette rubrique emblématique du journalisme d'information inscrite dans un quotidien revendiquant sa fonction d'organe porte-parole d'une sensibilité politique, les titres sont le lieu d'une coloration de l'information livrée par la voix du correspondant ou de l'agence Havas et donc des indices précieux de l'ethos discursif (Amossy) du quotidien : tout en exprimant sa lecture de l'actualité, Le Petit Comtois recourt à une parole railleuse et ludique, un certain franc-parler, visant à entretenir la connivence et la proximité avec son lecteur.Dans un second mouvement (chapitre IV), nous avons entrepris une série d'explorations dans le vocabulaire du Petit Comtois, entendues comme le socle d'un parcours objectivé du discours du journal. Une série de prise de vue sur le vocabulaire du Petit Comtois ont ainsi été constituées.L'index hiérarchique du corpus, analyse fort classique en lexicométrie, a livré une première indication sur la consistance lexico-thématique du corpus, en confirmant notamment l'ouverture du quotidien sur un horizon politique dont Paris est le cœur géographique et l'importance de la temporalité dans Le Petit Comtois.Une seconde analyse, tout aussi classique en lexicométrie, a consisté à examiner la ventilation du vocabulaire en diachronie (ou niveau macro-distributionnel) grâce aux méthodologies de l'AFC : celle-ci a pointé pour sa part une très nette division du corpus en deux séquences chronologiques distinctes : 1884-1896 d'une part, et 1897-1903 d'autre part. L'analyse des profils macro-distributionnels des items, associée à un mouvement de retour au texte, nous ont permis d'interpréter ce clivage comme l'opposition entre une première séquence marquée par un contexte colonialiste et revanchard ainsi que par les fameuses « affaires » politico-financières, et une séquence chronologique témoignant pour sa part d'un tournant radical et de l'intensification des débats autour de la question sociale.Nous nous sommes ensuite tournée vers l'analyse de la configuration fine du vocabulaire (niveau micro-distributionnel - Harris), mode d'accès privilégié à la textualité-texture, à ses dimensions non linéaires (tabulaires, réticulaires), encore insuffisamment exploitées et conceptualisées. L'analyse micro-distributionnelle du vocabulaire du Petit Comtois a ainsi suggéré que la configuration fine du vocabulaire s'organisait autour de quatre pôles isotropiques (Viprey), à consistance lexico-thématique voire rhétorico-stylistique, évoquant respectivement (1) les faits divers et leur passage en justice, (2) la vie législative, (3) les réseaux locaux de sociabilités, et enfin, (4) le vocabulaire du politique, voire de l'idée républicaine.Nous avons voulu observer l'évolution diachronique de cette configuration fine en diachronie. De façon très stimulante, si l'on tient compte des résultats livrés par l'examen du niveau macro-distributionnel et de la nature du discours étudié, la structure fine du vocabulaire se révèle extrêmement stable en diachronie. De rares items témoignent d'une évolution significative de leur co(n)texte d'une diachronie à une autre. Il est intéressant de remarquer que ceux-ci sont particulièrement emblématiques des évolutions socio-politiques dont prend acte la fin d'un très long XIXe siècle. C'est notamment le cas de la forme ouvriers, dont l'évolution très nette du profil collocatif marque celle de son sens. Dans un dernier temps, nous avons examiné les facteurs responsables de la stabilité du rubriquage observée : l'analyse des spécificités des rubriques a ainsi révélé une forte corrélation entre le niveau du rubriquage et celle de la structure fine du vocabulaire. L'invariance des « motifs » lexicaux et stylistiques du quotidien nous suggère donc que l'actualité et son essence présupposée « fluctuante », restent contrôlées et organisées par les pratiques routinières journalistiques, renvoyant tant à la sélection de l'information qu'à sa mise en scène comme événement. Enfin, un dernier temps de cette recherche (chapitre V) est dédié à la consolidation d'une méthode de typologie en corpus, appliquée au classement des rubriques, basée sur le niveau morphosyntaxique. À la recherche d'une typologie discursive des rubriques du Petit Comtois, ce volet d'analyse examine les vertus et les insuffisances d'un étiquetage automatique et explore les perspectives offertes par l'AFC en vue d'un dialogue continué avec les données. Devant être envisagé comme le préalable à une analyse linguistique des genres journalistiques qui croiserait le niveau du vocabulaire et le niveau de la morphosyntaxe tout en tenant compte du plan compositionnel du texte (Bakhtine) grâce à un encodage xml-tei, cet empan de nos recherches constitue une investigation méthodologique visant à se doter d'un protocole robuste et transparent d'analyse.À la suite des travaux pionniers de Douglas Biber, de nombreuses études de typologie textuelle convoquent aujourd'hui le niveau morphosyntaxique. La logométrie, telle que définie par D. Mayaffre, perçoit d'ailleurs dans les progrès de l'étiquetage automatique un renouvellement décisif de l'analyse des données textuelles. Cette position implique de s'accommoder du taux d'erreur intrinsèque aux données issues d'un étiquetage automatique, dont l'influence est supposée modérée par la méthodologie statistique utilisée. Une analyse du discours soucieuse de la matérialité du texte ne peut néanmoins se satisfaire de ce taux d'erreur : entendant l'annotation morphosyntaxique comme un véritable état du texte, elle implique au contraire un étiquetage fin du niveau morphosyntaxique. Or, l'expérience menée dans le cadre d'une entreprise typologique des rubriques du Petit Comtois montre que l'étiquetage automatique réalisé par Cordial est loin d'être suffisant pour répondre à cette prétention : l'étiquetage opéré reste un étiquetage « en langue », aux insuffisances duquel s'ajoutent les limites du lexique interne de Cordial. On regrettera par ailleurs la pertinence discutable des catégories statiques de la grammaire traditionnelle convoquée par ce logiciel.En raison de ces insuffisances et en attendant de mener une contre-expérimentation basée sur un étiquetage fin et contrôlé de nos données, il nous semble ainsi devoir prendre quelques précautions avec les résultats obtenus de notre analyse, fort stimulants au demeurant. En effet, notre analyse des variables morphosyntaxiques dans les rubriques du Petit Comtois met au jour des facteurs très discriminants, parmi lesquels, d'une part, des variables assez inattendues (à l'instar des déterminants définis) et d'autre part, des facteurs faisant écho aux critères génériques journalistiques. On peut interpréter la configuration typologique des rubriques obtenue comme étant notamment fortement structurée par l'opposition entre les productions discursives à énonciation impliquée et les productions caractérisées par un effacement énonciatif, configuration affinée par le degré de complexité des phrases et leur longueur. Le genre semble donc un « facteur » structurant de cette typologie, ce qui nous semble devoir être mis en lien avec la taille colossale du corpus étudié et la méthodologie statistique utilisé, puisque l'AFC donne une représentation synthétique des tendances lourdes voire structurelles d'un ensemble de données. En l'occurrence, le genre est cette tendance, qui, dans la lignée des postulats de l'analyse du discours, s'avère déterminant dans la typologisation des productions discursives journalistique du Petit Comtois.
Entidades financieras canadienses desempeñaron un papel importante en el desarrollo de los mercados financieros de las principales ciudades colombianas. Aseguradoras tales como Manufacturers Life insurance Company y Life Assurance Company of Canada tuvieron un gran impacto en el desarrollo del negocio de seguros en la costa Atlántica, mientras que Royal Bank of Canada contribuyó al desarrollo de la banca personal. Este artículo se centra en las experiencias de entidades financieras canadienses en Colombia desde finales del siglo XIX hasta el comienzo de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Resalta la naturaleza competitiva del negocio financiero internacional y el papel que cumplieron los líderes empresariales, las políticas públicas y los gobiernos en su lucha por el posicionamiento en los mercados emergentes de países como Colombia. Esta investigación histórica también contribuye a un mejor entendimiento de las relaciones bilaterales entre Colombia y Canadá y la forma como el capitalismo se extendió en el hemisferio occidental. ; Canadian financial institutions played an important role in the development of financial markets within Colombia´s urban centers. Specifically, insurance companies such as Manufacturers Life Insurance Company and Life Assurance Company of Canada were crucial in the expansion of the insurance business across the Caribbean coast, while Royal Bank of Canada contributed to the development of personal banking operations throughout the nation. This paper looks at the experience of Canadian financial companies in Colombia from the late 1800s to the beginning of World War II. It highlights the competitive nature of international financial business and the role of business leaders, policy, and governments in efforts to secure market shares in emerging nations such as Colombia. This historical research also contributes to a better understanding of the bilateral relations between Colombia and Canada, and the ways in which capitalism expanded across the western hemisphere.
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Israeli military operations in response to the October 7 attack by Hamas have continuously expanded throughout its near abroad in an ever-widening range. While it is true that Hamas has many diplomatic and logistical connections with other actors such as Hezbollah and Iran, it also seems apparent that the embattled Netanyahu government wants to prolong the war, if not expand it, in a bid to stay in power.Up until now he has had the support of Israelis — including members of the opposition and the majority of the public — to "finish the job."But patience may be running out, particularly on the issue of the hostages, coupled with a backlash over the many embarrassing intelligence failures that enabled the original terror attack to happen. As many commentators have noted, only by keeping a state of continuous crisis can Netanyahu retain his current position. Already in official statements he declares that military operations will continue at least into 2025.This week's airstrike on the Iranian embassy in Damascus risks significant escalation with Iran and took place in a country currently too embattled with its own still-ongoing civil war to be a significant threat to Israel. This comes on the heels of attempts by Israel to not just strike at Hezbollah across the border with Lebanon, but to potentially make the area uninhabitable for anyone using (U.S.-supplied) white phosphorus munitions. This only helps to prolong and expand the war in Gaza into places the U.S. may not be ready for or even willing to accept.The United States has been attempting to pivot away from the Middle Eastern region for years, and yet its ideological and sentimental attachment to Israel always plays a major role in drawing it back in. The aftermath of the Gaza War has shown beyond a doubt just how much the interests of the two countries have diverged in the post-Cold War world. What once served as a relationship meant to check a perceived (and overblown) pro-Soviet tilt among early Arab nationalists has now become a strategic millstone around the neck of any rational definition of American interest.As early as the First Gulf War, when Saddam Hussein fired missiles at targets in Israel in a bid to lure Tel Aviv into joining — and therefore undermining — the Arab-majority regional coalition against his designs in Kuwait, the signs of danger have been apparent.Both the United States and Israel were badly affected by the hubris of the 'unipolar moment' of the 1990s and 2000s. No longer believing that meaningful counterbalancing against their interests was possible, both societies appear to have let their strategic cultures become distorted toward short-term thinking and an inability to comprehend the growing capabilities of rival powers. The Israeli position seems to assume that its relationship with the United States invalidates any need to seek a true regional modus vivendi with its immediate neighbors, states whose existence are likely more permanent than predominant U.S. influence in the region. This is made all the more apparent by the willingness to sabotage local relations despite having had some diplomatic breakthroughs prior to the war under the framework of the Abraham Accords. This relationship has also become extremely unequal, and not in the way that one would normally think when examining that of a small regional power and a large global one. All the way back in 1996, President Clinton apparently flew into a rage after meeting with Netanyahu, asking who "the fu*king superpower" was in the relationship.Attempts by various American administrations to seek a solution to the Palestinian issue have repeatedly foundered, all while certain elements of the Israeli public advocate for yet more territorial expansion far outside of officially recognized borders in an attempt to create a "Greater Israel."American largesse seems to be fueling a sense of entitlement, to the tune of billions of dollars. Meanwhile, Israeli combat performance against its neighbors since at least the 2006 Lebanon War comes far short of the mythical capabilities of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), which many commentators assume remain frozen in the pristine amber of the mid-20th century. This now takes us to today as the United States, a country coming around late to the idea that its own unipolar moment is over, should be seeking to avoid perpetual brushfire wars that are irrelevant to the global balance of power. Operations in the Gulf of Aden and the damage done to global shipping in that region might not be happening at all were it not for Washington's unconditional support for Israel in an otherwise localized struggle.Attempts to work out an arrangement for de-emphasizing the Middle East are consistently undermined by not only Israeli demands, but also by retaliatory strikes launched by Iranian allies and others on tripwire against U.S. bases that serve little purpose outside of providing some kind of non-specified leverage. Every time one of these dubious outposts is fired upon, it increases the risk of casualties and escalation, which in turn increases the chance that the U.S. will redirect force deployments back to the Middle East.Now, with the Biden Administration planning on sending U.S. troops directly into the Gaza combat zone by building a "humanitarian port" there, it is worth acknowledging that the U.S.-Israel alliance has become extremely damaging to Washington's conception of rational self-interest, Israel's ability to realistically adapt to the realities of its neighborhood, and both countries' ability to avoid escalation into a regional war.The key element currently bringing out the worst in both is the Netanyahu government itself, which appears intent on running roughshod over any calculation of long-term interest in a desperate bid to keep itself in power for as long as possible.
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With Oppenheimer expected to dominate this weekend's Academy Awards, Hollywood is sounding the alarm about nuclear weapons. "As artists and advocates, we want to raise our voices to remind people that while Oppenheimer is history, nuclear weapons are not," wrote a group of notable actors and artists in a new open letter. "To protect our families, our communities, and our world, we must demand that global leaders work to make nuclear weapons history — and build a brighter future."The letter's signatories included actors Yvette Nicole Brown, Michael Douglas, Jane Fonda, Tony Goldwyn, Matthew Modine, Viggo Mortensen, and Lily Tomlin. Other notable figures — among them Bill Nye, Graham Nash, and Charles Oppenheimer — also signed the missive.The letter is just one way that Oppenheimer, a new biopic about the man behind the atomic bomb, has reignited Hollywood's interest in nuclear weapons. In an acceptance speech at the BAFTA awards last month, director Christopher Nolan lauded "individuals and organizations who have fought long and hard to reduce the number of nuclear weapons in the world.""I do just want to acknowledge their efforts and point out [that] they show the necessity and potential of efforts for peace," Nolan added.The push comes at a crucial moment for the movement that seeks to eliminate nuclear weapons. Nukes have become an "invisible issue" for most people, according to Joan Rohlfing, a former government adviser and president of the Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI). Greater public attention on the issue could push policymakers to start taking nuclear risk seriously again. "Without public awareness, there's not really political momentum for change," Rohlfing told RS.NTI, which spearheaded the open letter from artists, has launched a full-scale PR campaign in Los Angeles to build awareness in the leadup to the Oscars. Among other efforts, the group has put up billboards, backed a new art installation, and commissioned murals around the city.While Americans are probably not calling their members of Congress about nuclear weapons, polls show that average people actually care a lot about them. A 2020 poll found that 73% of Americans see nuclear proliferation as a "major threat" — a level of concern on par with terrorism and the spread of infectious diseases. Another survey from the Chicago Council on Global Affairs found that 66% of Americans believe "no countries should be allowed to have nuclear weapons."Younger people are somewhat less concerned about nukes, but even among that group, Pew Research found that 65% consider nuclear proliferation a leading threat.In Washington, it's a different story. Foundations have steadily slowed or stopped their support for nuclear policy work, and the once-buzzing nuclear strategy programs at think tanks and nonprofits have become an afterthought in the political debate. Despite growing nuclear threats, expertise and political will are now in short supply. "We've seen, even among the policymaking community, a decline in awareness and knowledge and expertise," Rohlfing said.This decline has largely been a story of priorities. When the Cold War ended, a lot of people breathed a sigh of relief. The defining existential risk of the late 20th century seemed to crumble alongside the Berlin Wall. Other issues — terrorism, China's rise, climate change — took center stage, and popular fears of nuclear annihilation began to fade. "It's almost like humanity can only deal with one apocalypse at a time," Nolan said last year.There's just one problem: The threat of nuclear war never went away. In fact, we now face a "generationally high risk" of nuclear use, according to Rohlfing. "We're seeing the guardrails fall away from nuclear weapons," she said, pointing in particular to the slow-moving collapse of U.S.-Russia nuclear accords."We built up a series of arms control agreements to regulate nuclear competition, to stabilize it, to reduce the number of weapons, and to make changes to how they're deployed," Rohlfing said. "All of that has eroded or just been set aside."Nowhere is the risk of nuclear war more palpable than Ukraine. If Ukrainian forces managed to break through Russian defenses and attack Crimea, U.S. officials give a 50-50 shot that Vladimir Putin would resort to a nuclear strike. Putin himself has made a number of veiled nuclear threats since his 2022 invasion, and some of his deputies have been less subtle in their warnings.As U.S.-Russia tensions reach a post-Cold War apex, Washington and Moscow have largely stopped talking about nuclear issues. The State Department's National and Nuclear Risk Reduction Center, once a clearinghouse for more than 1,000 yearly updates from Russia on its nuclear activities, got a grand total of 12 messages from Moscow last year. "Today, the mechanisms of peace aren't moving as swiftly as the machinery of war," wrote W.J. Hennigan of the New York Times.To its credit, the Biden administration has made some effort to right this trend. National security adviser Jake Sullivan announced last June that the U.S. is open to new nuclear talks with Russia and China "without preconditions" — a notable offer given the parlous state of great power relations today.But, in Rohlfing's view, the administration still has a long way to go in order to turn that invitation into real arms control talks. "It's not clear to me, despite what Jake Sullivan said in his speech, that there's been a lot of elbow grease applied to that offer to try and make it real," she said. "We need to see a continued, persistent level of effort."
The subject. The authors create an instrumental apparatus that saturates existing and emerging data needs in the theory constituting process and thus create preconditions for police practice development.The methodology. The research is based on the content analyses of final research reports, the object of which is police proceedings and the subject is police reality,The purpose. The authors substantiate the following hypothesis. The source of the development of knowledge in police practice and the development of police theory is a permanent solution to the philosophical contradiction between police theory and police practice, with police practice being the defining aspect of this contradictory unity. The need and areas of scientific knowledge of activities in the police proceedings structure are therefore determined by police practice.The main results. By verifying police practice, the authors confirm the necessary obligatory interaction between theory and practice, which is predominantly determined by the achieved research outputs and their acceptance. At the same time, they respect that systematically processed knowledge from applied research can show the character of a theory. In accordance with their knowledge, consisting of a system of knowledge presented by the achieved outputs from scientific research, evaluation and explanation of phenomena registered in the purposeful implementation of activities in the structure of police proceedings (research object). The term police action can be understood as a synthetic term for a holistic grasp of the police activity and its bodies. The activity of police and security authorities means: a special form of professional service for the state, self-governing as well as commercial organizations and, last but not least, citizens. It contains a set of executive, organizational, management and other activities that have the character of official interventions, official acts, other official activities and other measures. They are carried out in accordance with the rule of law and ethical principles of civil democratic society, preventive and, where necessary, repressive methods of police work. Their aim is to protect the fundamental human rights of citizens and society from crime and other anti-social activities. They define the identity of these phenomena through the subject (optics) of research, systematically defining the police reality by the process parameters, their determinants and constructs of specific police activities. In the Slovak Republic, the authors of this paper participate in the performance of tasks related to the constitution of police sciences. The outputs of applied research offer a system of scientific knowledge about police reality. With the dialectical approach, in relation to the examined activities in the structure of police proceedings, they define the reasons related to the assumption of the existence of links among the elements of police reality, or they reveal their objective absence. By identifying systems, the authors create a model of these purposefully implemented activities with properties characterizing their behaviour. At the same time, they respect that the strategic form of the parameters of this model is expressed by the achieved set intentions and goals of certain specific activities. Determining them is a concentrated expression of this will. The basic context in their work (participation in the process of constituting police sciences), determining the meaning and mission, is a specific subject accepted by them. This is the police reality, an objective fact that the theory of police sciences examines and uses to explain existing and emerging objects. Therefore, their activity in the process of constituting police sciences corresponds to changes in social processes. When creating their instruments (conceptual system, categories, theoretical models, forms of thinking), they combine it with the explanation of new approaches related to the development and advancement of policing processes, characterized by openness and possibilities of social control in their purposeful implementation. This confirms that this process forms a system. Its design shows relative stability and closeness. They do not include any inputs in its content, just those that are foreseen and anticipated. In this context, they realize that the interdisciplinary of concepts enriches the view of constituted police science. For the police sciences , the abstractness and generality of statements from other scientific disciplines is not a starting point, but already the result of research into specific systems (disposition of knowledge), significantly contributing to increase effectiveness of their scientific work. In the conditions of the Slovak Republic, the police sciences are constituted as practical, social and security sciences. Therefore, the authors of this paper accept that the theoretical and methodological development of police sciences requires them to be confronted and independently dealt with the current state in the theory and methodology of science in the early 21st century, to be sensitive to the current development of the overall scientific atmosphere and independently and critically. In this process, the meaningfulness of their scientific work is evident. This corresponds to the registered needs for the transfer of scientific knowledge into police practice.Conclusions. From these findings it is clear that in the current stage of development of the Slovak Republic, the process of constituting police sciences forms a structured system with to the point management. Its successful completion is also determined by the results of a constructive discussion, the authors participated in with this presented knowledge. ; Рассмотрены полицейские науки, которые согласно словацкой доктрине изучают полицейскую деятельность и подразделяются на практические, социальные и науки о безопасности. Отмечено, что деятельность полиции и органов безопасности означает особую форму профессиональной службы в интересах государства, органов местного самоуправления, а также коммерческих организаций и, что не менее важно, граждан. Такая деятельность включает комплекс принудительных, организационных, управленческих и других актов, выраженных в форме официальных действий, решений, мероприятий и других мер. Они должны осуществляться в соответствии с верховенством закона и этическими принципами гражданского демократического общества, посредством превентивных и, при необходимости, репрессивных методов работы полиции.
