Suchergebnisse

It is possible to efficiently implement the systematic proclamation of human rights on a global scale that began in 1948, with the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, and in our times, among other places, expressed by the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (United Nations Millennium Development Goals by the Year 2015, 2000), only through an orientation of the governments of certain states on the areas of education, preservation of health and an increase of income levels. Countries must construct partnerships on a global level, not to determine political and economic agendas so much, but to promote and protect human rights. The polarity between rights-freedoms and rights-claims has made relative the " original greatness of human rights, but at the same time, it has expanded the area of their types and meanings, and increased the social mass of those interested in the rights of life. It has made them an instrument of the developmental and social dynamic of the industrial society, through an argument of great clashes between democracy and totalitarianism, of the developed and undeveloped, etc." (Kalanj, 1996: 50). These tendencies are exacerbated by globalization, even though, seen as an ideal-type, globalization is meant to imply an ever widening implementation of the hypothesis of human rights, that is, their universality. However, we are unfortunately, witnesses of constant deviations in the process of their protection. " Institutions are necessary but not enough. They need to be filled with content, used for the improvement of all sectors of human rights. This content and this path will lead Croatia toward the European Union and its high standards in eliminating discrimination" (Šimunović, 2004: 10). Modern thoughts on the development of human rights move in the direction of linking social development with increasing the protection of human rights – the emphasis is on prevention (instead of late intervention), social participation, activities of self-organization and self-help, promotion of autonomy and development of social skills, and need for greater transparency of public policies. In this context, it is very important to work on affirmation, promotion and implementation of values and ideas of civil society, of the culture of non-violence and tolerance, human rights, dialogue, cooperation and trust, as well as awareness-raising about the opportunities for social change. It is also very important to inform and stimulate the youth to get engaged, to question and educate themselves on those values and opportunities of work and life based on them, in order to propel them forward and contribute to the realization of positive shifts in society. Youth in our analysis are perceived as a link, just being formed in a specific social system, thus making it one of the most important elements of a positive reception and implementation of the basic postulates of human rights. The results of the research on validating specific human rights and freedoms, indicate that the greatest number of young persons accept the right to an education, right to work, personal security, right to privacy, social protection of the elderly and those at risk, equality before the law, rights of women and ownership rights. The comparison of acceptance of the observed human rights and freedoms of the population of youth and adults in Croatia, demonstrates that adults accept most rights to a higher degree than the youth, which can be interpreted through their better social integration. The analysis has shown that the preference of Croatian youth for certain human rights and freedoms is not conditioned by their observed socio-demographic and socio-structural attributes, aside from education, which points to the significance of the education system as an agent in improving the condition of human rights. Approximately one third of youth participants, were not satisfied with the respect for human rights in Croatia today as well as five years ago, while the number of those undecided has decreased, which can probably be attributed to the positive effect of public campaigns and some changes occurring during that period of time. There has been an increase from 1999 to 2004 in the number of youth who believe that human rights in Croatia are mostly or completely respected. The youth, compared to adults, express a higher level of criticism toward the existing degree of respect for human rights and freedoms. The results of analysis according to the social attributes of youth, demonstrate that the capability of assessment and higher criticism for the status of human rights in Croatia, is related to living in more economically prosperous regions, as well as the left-wing ideological-political orientation and female gender. Through an insight into the assessment of the contribution of institutions, associations and distinguished individuals by the youth population in 1999 and 2004, we have determined that today's generation of youth perceives to a greater degree, the contribution of all institutions, associations and significant individuals (except for the opposition) to the protection of human rights and freedoms in Croatia. To be more precise, most young people assess that all the protagonists completely or partially contribute to the realization of human rights in the country. There has been a significant increase regarding the perception of the contribution of the highest institutions of power compared to 1999. The adults differ from the youth by emphasizing the contribution of all the observed protagonists even more. Regional status, religiousness, the father's education and political party affiliation, notably affect the perception of the contribution of the observed protagonists of the realization of human rights in Croatia. Summarily, our analysis indicates that the youth accept human rights and freedoms decidedly, when they are discussed on a level of principles, but that there is a certain disharmony where specific rights and practices in Croatia are concerned, which can partially be interpreted as their insufficient competence regarding certain elements of social and political processes. As human rights and freedoms constitute universally accepted international standards and criteria of democracy in the modern world and its institutions today, the relationship of youth toward them, represents an indication of its social awareness and a precondition for its democratic activity. Even though the level of acceptance of human rights and freedoms as values seems to be high, there is wavering, indicating a need for additional engagement of some agents of socialization, especially the education system and the political protagonists. Freedom and human rights in Croatia are normatively regulated and are given to the individual at birth. However, freedom is not just a right, but a permanent mission, put before each young person, making all the difference for those that manage to gain entry into the world of active citizens, capable of making good their own, and others resources in the best possible way, thus contributing to the development of the world we live in. The first step in this ambitious plight is for the youth to contribute as much as possible to the democratization of Croatia, which would prepare them, as well as the country, for joining the united Europe.

Experience-based Training and Development (EBTD) or Corporate Adventure Training (CAT) has had a short history of usage and a long history of problems· with its credibility. Proponents of EBTD/CAT have claimed it was an effective and appropriate way to build teams, develop individuals and improve companies. They stated their case on a moderate collection of personal anecdotes and testimonies. Opponents of EBTD/CAT have claimed it was a sham, like many of the group oriented encounter techniques of the sixties. They cemented their opinion by pointing to a clear lack of research evidence, failing to substantiate the impact of such programs. With the decreasing value of the development dollar, more companies have questioned the efficacy of EBTD/CAT programming and called for hard data to support its transfer of learning. This study examined changes, over a two year period, in the corporate climate of an Australian company, which chose total employee participation in an EBTD/CAT program. A major Australian government-owned corporation, primarily involved with public service delivery, chose EBTD/CAT as the sole means of training and development for its entire complement of (approximately) 5,000 employees. The main focus of this training was to alter the climate of the organization around the two new cultural concepts of teamwork and empowerment A sample of 100 employees, stratified for gender (male 65% and female 35%) and management level (upper 10%, middle 30% and lower 60% ), was randomly selected from the population of about 500 managers in a company of 5,000 employees. The sample of 100 were surveyed three times (before, during and after treatment), but all 5,000 employees underwent the treatment Treatment consisted of a five day residential EBTD/CAT program during the most recent year (between the dates of July 1, 1990 and June 30, 1991). No other training and development schemes were underway during the two year period of study (from December 1, 1989 to December 31, 1991 ). The EBTD/CAT program.was fairly standard in design, with the first day devoted to socialization activities, icebreakers and deinhibitizers. The next two days consisted of cooperation, communication and trust exercises followed by common group initiative activities and problem solving tasks. The fourth day consisted of a high ropes course, with choice of egress by rappelling or zip wire. The final day incorporated a great deal of personal reflection, solo time and group dialogue around action plans for future challenges. Evening were spent attending lectures by the company facilitators and presenting dramatic skits interpreting the daily events. Although attendance was mandated by the company, the program operated under a "challenge by choice" philosophy and, once in attendance, no employees were forced to participate in any activity against their will. Survey rounds, consisting of three instruments, were administered to subjects on three separate occasions, each approximately one year apart. Instrumentation included three surveys: section m of the Individual-Team-Organization (ITO) survey (Anderson, 1987); the short form of the Organizational-Health (OH) survey (Phillips, 1989): and the Motivational Analysis of Organizations-Climate (MAO-C) survey (Pareek, 1989). The 17% attrition over two years was likely due to employee turnover from company downsizing (estimated at 13% ), and yet attrition was proportionate across strata and reasonable (with a return rate over 80%, non-respondent bias was not an issue). Data met all normality requirements, therefore, two factor ANOVAs were conducted. Two main effects for management level were noted, indicating that in these two cases the three management levels differed on the average of their opinions. All, but a few, analyses showed main effect changes in means across the three times of surveying: before, during and after, indicating that opinions changed over the treatment period. Since the limited studies in EBTD/CAT have concentrated on benefits and changes to the group or to the employee, and have apparently ignored the bottom line of organizational benefit and change (a concern prevalent for many companies) the intent of this study was to track changes in the one aspect of corporate climate. This study does not claim that the EBTD/CAT program caused the changes discussed Regardless of the testimonials from the company executive, the EBTD/CAT program may have contributed to the improvements, but without a control company (almost impossible to obtain under most circumstances) the certainty of causality should not be stated Furthermore, these findings must not be generalized beyond the parameters of this study: changes in corporate climate for a major Australian company government-owned and primarily involved in public service delivery, with management response to the surveys and total employee participation in an EBTD/CAT program over the period 1989-1991. In summary, and in the opinion of three levels of management, but not necessarily all employees, this particular company successfully changed its corporate climate over a period of two years, during which all employees participated in an experience-based training and development or corporate adventure training program only. Overall, the company improved on its planning utility, structure flexibility, systems functioning ( upper managers were least pleased with systematic changes), sensible & supportive roles, positive relationships, excessive delays in workflow, reflection time, and mission and goal clarity during the first year; while concern for getting the job done (rather than accounting for time and cost), alignment, marketplace impact, and profit versus growth decreased over the same period, although decreases were not seen as necessarily detrimental in this case, since the company moved through a desired period of well­ needed readjustment. During the second year, reflection time decreased, but work enjoyment improved (lower managers enjoyed their work least), even though workloads increased over both years. Decreases in planning seriousness, crisis avoidance, purpose contribution, and responsiveness index; increases in stretch; and fluctuations in resource provision, strategic position, purpose clarity, and individual versus organizational goals, were all overshadowed by by complex interactions between the time of survey (before, during or after treatment) and the level of manager (upper, middle or lower) responding. Feedback from the company executive committee highlighted the expected influence of several extraneous environmental variables on.these interactions and attributed some interaction to the treatment of the EBTD/CAT program. Future research ought to broaden the base of knowledge concerning the impact of EBTD/CAT programs on other aspects of corporate climate (motivation, etc.) and deepen the base of knowledge by replicating or extending this study with companies from other nations, involved in other areas of business, and consider all types of employees, not just managers. Despite the inherent problems of controlling for environmental factors, either by formal control group or informal speculation, this type of research is valuable as companies seek evidence on the efficacy of this kind of outdoor learning.

The table of contents of the Proceedings is followed by an Introductory Note by John P. Robinson & Kurt Back which states that the 26th AAPOR Conference was held May 19-22, 1971 in Pasadena, Calif. 16 formal sessions & 8 luncheon round-table discussions were held under the general theme 'Public Opinion in a Society under Pressure.' The AAPOR Award for distinguished achievement was presented to Walter Lippmann. A brief history of the Award is given. Richard H. Baxter, A NEW GOAL FOR AAPOR: PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, discusses the relevancy of AAPOR as an org in the context of modern survey res & the increasing depersonalization & massive growth of the res community. The org has made 4 kinds of responses to recent developments of professional growth: (a) high-caliber annual conference programs; (b) the consistently dedicated activity of successive AAPOR Standing Committees on Standards; (c) the encouragement & development of young people having an interest in PO res through the Annual AAPOR Student Competition; (d) the establishment of an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara Lee-on Soc Concerns. The role of individual AAPOR members as res ombudsmen in their communities is touched upon. The establishment of a professional consultation panel is proposed. ABSTRACTS OF PAPERS presents the following: (1) SOCIAL INDICATORS - Chairman: Raymond A. Bauer (Harvard U, Cambridge, Mass); Donald S. Shoup, 'Social Indicators: Some Possible Futures;' & Peter J. Henriot (Seattle U, Washington), 'Social Indicators: Some Practical Politics.' (2) IMPACT OF SOCIAL RESEARCH ON POLICY DECISIONS - Chairman: Hervert I. Abelson; John P. Robinson (U of Michigan, Ann Arbor), 'The Surgeon General's Advisory Committee on Television and Social Behavior;' Nathan Caplan (U of Michigan, Ann Arbor), 'The National Commission on Civil Disorders;' Joseph T. Klapper (Columbia Broadcasting System, New York, NY), 'Observations on the Research Situation Faced by Commissions and Similar Bodies;' Sandar J. Ball-Rokeach (U of Western Ontarto,Toronto), 'The National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence.' (3) CONSUMERISM: DIRECTIONS AND ISSUES, Chairman: Robert Lavidge: Robert J. Lavidge, 'Introductory Remarks;' Raymond A. Bauer (Harvard U, Cambridge, Mass), 'Consumerism in Perspective;' John S. Coulson, 'A Response to Consumerists.' (4) ESTABLISHMENT ELITES IN A TIME OF CHANGE, Chairman: Robert E. Lee: Victor D. Beardsley, 'Local Leadership: Its Characteristics and Structure;' Ruth Clark, 'Top Corporate Leadership in a Time of Change.' (5) TRANSITIONS IN YOUTH CULTURE: A SPECULATIVE FRAMEWORK, Chairman: Luiz Simmons: Luiz Simmons, 'The Real Generation Gap: A Speculation on the Meaning and Implications of Youth Activism;' Elinor Luire (San Francisco Med Center, Calif), 'Son of the Silent Majority: Intergenerational Perceptions of Youthful Dissent;' David Gottlieb (Pennsylvania State U, University Park), 'Vista, Pepsi, and Poverty.' (8) PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH IN A SOCIETY OF CHANGE AND CRISIS: A METHODOLOGICAL REVIEW, Chairman: Hope Klapper (New York U, NY) & Fred H. Goldner (Queens Coll, City U of New York), 'Public Opinion and Survey Research: A Poor Mix;' Eric Marder, 'The Five Stages of Survey Research.' (7) MOBILIZING PUBLIC OPINION, Chairman: Daniel Yankelovich: a Discussion between Yankelovich, Lowell Beck, & William Ruder. (8) THE SILENT MAJORITY AND SOCIAL ISSUES, Chairman: Mervin D. Field, 'Noisy Pluralism vs the Silent Majority;' William E. Bicker (U of California, Berkeley), 'Welfare-the Transition Issue;' Robert A. Levine, 'The Silent Majority: Neither Simple Nor Simple-Minded.' (9) PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH AND THE MEDIA, Chairman: Herbert E. Krugman: Herbert E. Krugman, 'The Television Generation and the New Research Needs;' Scott Ward (Harvard U, Cambridge, Mass), 'Television Advertising and Children: Two Studies.' (10) PRE-ELECTION SURVEYS: HINDSIGHT AND OUTLOOK, Chairman: Sidney Hollander: Sidney Hollander, 'Implications of the 1970 British Fiasco;' Paul Perry, 'The Turnout Problem in Election Surveys;' Charles Kinsolving, 'Political Polling in a Primary: Sample Attrition and Turnout Prediction;' Lawrence Bown, Charles K. Atkin, Kenneth G. Sheinkopf, & Oguz B. Nayman (U of Wisconsin, Madison & Colorado State U, Fort Collins) 'How Voters React to Electronic Political Advertising: An Investigation of the 1970 Election Campaigns in Wisconsin and Colorado.' (11) HOW CAN THE PUBLIC OPINION PROFESSION AND COMMON CAUSE WORK TOGETHER? Chairman: Barbara Lee: A discussion exploring the role res'ers could play vs soc action org's. (12) THE DRUG SCENE: CURRENT RESEARCH, Chairman : Donald L. Kanter (U of Southern California, Los Angeles): Donald L. Kanter, 'Some Aspects of the Broadcast Anti-Drug Program;' David Checkman, 'A Review of Research on the Causes of Drug Abuse or How Not to Get Turned On;' Lawrence H. Geiger, 'Age, Reported Marijuana Use, and Belief in Some Assumed Negative Effects of the Drug;' Glen D. Mellinger, 'Psychotherapeutic Drug Use Among Adults: A Model for Young Drug Users?' Eric Josephson, Paul Haberman, & Anne Zanes (Columbia U, New York, NY), 'High School Drug Behavior: A Methodological Report.' (13) NEW DIREC- TIONS FOR SURVEY RESEARCH METHODS, Chairman: Ronald Gatty (City U of New York, NY): Ronald Gatty, 'New Directions for Survey Research Methods;' William Belson (London Sch of Econ's, England), 'New Perspectives on Traditional Forms of Survey Research and Analysis;' R. Richard Ritt (Pennsylvania State U, University Park), 'Drawing Actionable Inference from Survey Data.' (14) CHANGING IDEALS, VALUES AND BE- LIEFS, Chairman: Emanuel H. Demby, 'The Shock of Future Shock;' Stephen Pittel, 'The Shock Is Now;' George Harris, 'Psychology Today.' (15) SOCIAL RESEARCH TECHNIQUES IN DEFINING HEALTH PROBLEMS, Chairman: Raymond Fink: Raymond Fink, Sam Shapiro, & Conrad Rosenberg, 'Social Research Techniques in the Study of Poverty and Non-Poverty Groups in Multiphasic Health Testing;' Gerald Sparer & Louise Okada, 'Differential Patterns of Health Service Utilization by Poverty Levels in Eight Urban Neighborhoods;' Jorge Segovia & Jack Elinson (Columbia U, New York, NY) 'What Physicians Think about Physicians in Argentina.' (16) STUDENT AWARD PAPERS, Chairman: Harold H. Kassrjian (U of California, Los Angeles): 1st Prize: Marcus Felson (U of Michigan, Ann Arbor), 'The Social Basis of Political Protest: The Wallace Vote in Districts Outside the South;' 2nd Prize: Ted Bradshaw (U of California, Berkeley), 'The Robustness of Correlation in Survey Research: A Data Simulation.' (17) LUNCHEON ROUND TABLES, Chairman: William L. Nicholls II (U of California, Berkeley): Gene N. Levine (U of California, Los Angeles), 'Research on Ethnic and Racial Groups;' Karen E. Page (U of California, Davis), 'The Changing Role of Women in Society: Research in Progress and Prospect;' Thomas S. Robertson (U of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia), 'Adolescent Consumer Socialization;' Joseph Zelan & Joseph Gusfield (U of California, Berkeley & U of California, San Diego), 'Equality and Authority in Higher Education: The Study of Student Power and Participation; Leo Crespi, 'Public Opinion and the Population Crisis;' Helen M. Crossley, 'Honesty with Respondents and Interviewers;' Matilda B. Paisley & William J. Paisley (Stanford U, Calif), 'Nonexperimental Causal Inference;' Francesco Nicosia (U of California, Berkeley), 'Buying Decision Processes by Consumers and Organizations.' Don Cahalan, ANNUAL ADVI- SORY AAPOR BUSINESS MEETING, concluded the convention. M. Maxfield.

En el marco de las procesos de migración aymara desde la cordillera chilena y boliviana hacia la actual comuna de Arica (Región de Arica y Parinacota, Chile) durante las décadas de 1950 y 1960; los siguientes resultados de investigación problematizan la incorporación, asimilación y/o exclusión de estas poblaciones y sus descendientes a la trama de relaciones interétnicas imaginadas por la nación chilena (cf. Gundermann, González & Durston, 2014), desde una perspectiva que pondera la agencia y subjetividad festiva de los colectivos aymara urbanos como productoras y reproductoras de una propia historicidad. En este sentido, no sólo atendemos a los vínculos festivo-rituales que estos colectivos han mantenido con sus pueblos de origen en la cordillera y altiplano chileno y boliviano; sino que, fundamentalmente, a los procesos de creación, significación y circulación de sus propios referentes visuales, sonoros y corporales a nivel local, nacional y transfronterizo. Con lo cual no sólo discutimos la producción de una "estética del desierto" cuyas imágenes ha transitado desde la fusión de los pueblos andinos con el paisaje y/o a un pasado remoto (prehispánico), hacia la fijación de un presente donde lo central es la exhibición de prácticas festivas y rituales detenidas en el tiempo (Alvarado & Möller, 2012; Carreño, 2005). Sino que situamos las performances festivas como estrategias de autorrepresentación a través de las cuales los actores andinos han exhibido con vitalidad sus propios universos simbólicos y políticos, y han dado lugar a sus experiencias estéticas y memorísticas. En este escenario, revisamos de las nociones de "cuerpo" y "performance" como categorías observacionales y analíticas, y presentamos el diseño de una metodología cualitativa que basada en un enfoque y práctica etnográfica priorizó la participación y observación sistemática de la performance del Carnaval Andino "Inti Ch'amampi, Con La Fuerza del Sol" que se desarrolla en la ciudad de Arica desde el año 2002, siendo el análisis e interpretación de lenguajes verbales y no verbales lo medular de la estrategia emprendida. De esta manera, no sólo revisamos las similitudes, contradicciones y relaciones que esta fiesta presenta respecto los significados sociales y simbólicos de otros carnavales y danzas en los Andes; sino que examinamos específicamente su historia de creación y las dinámicas sociales de las agrupaciones folklóricas de danzas andinas. Asimismo, caracterizamos y comparamos los significados de las danzas, trajes y música respecto de sus manifestaciones en el área surandina, y proponemos que esta tríada constituye un modelo corporal, visual y sonoro de autorrepresentación que permite dialogar sensorialmente con el espacio festivo. En este último sentido, exploramos el danzar como una forma vivenciada de la experiencia festiva y describimos los procesos de socialización y aprendizaje de las técnicas corporales extracotidianas como espacios donde los/as bailarines/as corporizan, estetizan y preparan el contenido expresivo de sus memorias personales, familiares y étnicas. Finalmente, y en el entendido que la experiencia festiva produce un cuerpo y con ello una interioridad, exploramos las referencias etnográficas al "corazón" como núcleo de una anatomía que mantiene relaciones recíprocas con la noción de persona; vale decir, se corresponde con una interioridad cuyos atributos delinean su semblanza en términos de energía, inteligencia, memoria y sensibilidad. Con ello, sugerimos que el "corazón" no sólo representa la experiencia performática que los/as bailarines/as andinos urbanos definen genéricamente como "emoción" o "sentimiento", sino que constituye el locus perceptivo de la relación sensorial e íntima que establecen con el mundo. Aspecto que pone a contraluz las nociones de persona, memoria y subjetividad que emergen desde espacios y colectivos étnicos urbanos. ; Within the framework of the aymara migration processes from the Chilean and Bolivian mountain range to the current commune of Arica (Arica and Parinacota Region, Chile) during the 1950s and 1960s, the following research results problematize the incorporation, assimilation and/or exclusion of these populations and their descendants to the plot of inter-ethnic relations imagined by the Chilean nation (cf. Gundermann, González & Durston, 2014), out of a perspective that ponders the festive agency and subjectivity of urban Aymara collectives as producers and reproducers of their own historicity. To this effect, we not only attend to the festive-ritual links that these collectives have maintained with their places of origin in the Chilean and Bolivian mountain range and altiplano, but also, fundamentally, to the processes of creation, significance and circulation of their own visual, sound and body references at local, national and cross-border level. Whereby we not only discuss the production of a "desert aesthetic" whose images have traversed from the fusion of the Andean villages with the landscape and/or a remote (pre-Hispanic) past, towards the establishment of a present where the central issue is the exhibition of festive practices and rituals held in time (Alvarado & Möller, 2012; Carreño, 2005), but we place the festive performances as self-representation strategies through which the Andean actors have vitally exhibited their own symbolic and political universes, and have given rise to their aesthetic and memorial experiences. Under this scenario, we review the notions of "body" and "performance" as observational and analytical categories, and present the design of a qualitative methodology that, based on an ethnographic approach and practice, prioritized the participation and systematic observation of the performance at the "Inti Ch'amampi, with the Force of the Sun Andean Carnival", organized in Arica (Chile) since 2002, being the analysis and interpretation of verbal and nonverbal languages the core of the undertaken strategy. Thus, we not only review the similarities, contradictions and relationships that this festival presents in relation to social and symbolic meanings of other carnivals and dances in the Andes, but we specifically examine its history of creation and the social dynamics of Andean dance folk groups. Furthermore, we characterize and compare the meanings of dances, costumes and music regarding their manifestations in the south Andean area, and we propose that this triad constitutes a corporal, visual and sound model of self-representation that allows sensory dialogue with the festive space. With that in mind, we explore dancing as an experienced form of the festive practice and describe the processes of socialization and learning of non-routine corporal techniques as spaces where dancers corporize, aestheticize and prepare the expressive content of their personal, family and ethnic memories. Finally, and with the understanding that the festive experience produces a body and with it an interiority, we explore the ethnographic references to the "heart" as the nucleus of an anatomy that maintains reciprocal relations with the notion of person; that is, it corresponds to an interiority whose attributes delineate its semblance in terms of energy, intelligence, memory and sensitivity. With this, we suggest that the "heart" not only represents the performance experience that urban Andean dancers generically define as "emotion" or "feeling", but also constitutes the perceptual locus of the sensorial and intimate relationship they establish with the world. An aspect that backlights the notions of person, memory and subjectivity that emerge from urban ethnic spaces and collectives.

This text has been prepared within the project Our Mythical Childhood. The Reception of Classical Antiquity in Children's and Young Adults' Culture in Response to Regional and Global Challenges, which has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme under grant agreement No 681202, ERC Consolidator Grant (2016-2021), led by Katarzyna Marciniak, Faculty of "Artes Liberales", the University of Warsaw. Medusa ist eine der bekanntesten Figuren der Mythologie, ein Monster par excellence. Die antike Literatur überliefert zwei Versionen ihrer Geschichte – ein Urzeitwesen aus vorolympischen Zeiten (Hesiod, Theogonie 270-285) und eine junge Frau, die in Athenes Tempel von Poseidon vergewaltigt und von der Göttin, die den Vorfall als unsagbares Sakrileg (miss)deutete, in ein schreckliches Ungeheuer verwandelt wurde (Ovid, Metamorphosen 4,753-803). Im Lauf der Jahrtausende klassischer Rezeption trat Medusa hauptsächlich als mörderisches Ungeheuer in Erscheinung, das ein Held auf seinem "Campbellischen" Weg zum Ruhm besiegen muss (Campbell 2004). Dann konzentrierte sich Hélène Cixous auf ihre Stimme als Opfer – mit einem speziellen Fokus auf ihrer Weiblichkeit – und machte Medusa zu einer Ikone für Generationen von Frauen, die unschuldig und aufgrund einer Reihe sozialer Faktoren Leid erfuhren (Cixous 1976).Greift ein ähnlicher Perspektivenwechsel auch in der kulturellen Aneignung für ein junges Publikum? Erscheint Medusa vor diesem kulturellen Hintergrund einfach als Ungeheuer oder doch eher als Opfer? Oder spielt sie sogar noch mehr Rollen? Wir unternehmen den Versuch, Antworten auf diese Fragen zu finden, indem wir die Analyse von Medusas Rezeption in zwei Filmen – Clash of the Titans im Original (1981) und seinem Remake (2010) – als Ausgangspunkt nehmen. Diese Analyse enthüllt charakteristische Züge eines Bildes, das in den 1980er-Jahren geschaffen wurde, einer für die Entwicklung der Populärkultur besonders wichtigen Epoche, und vergleicht und kontrastiert sie mit der Repräsentation, die die Realität des 21. Jh. transformiert hat. Die Untersuchung des Medusa-Charakters in den beiden Clashes-Filmen ist durchzogen von einem Überblick über die wichtigsten antiken Quellen und das zeitgenössische Narrativ durch Wissenschaftler*innen und Autor*innen, deren Ziel die Popularisierung der klassischen Antike ist.Weiters stellen wir eine kurze Übersicht ausgewählter, zumeist weltweit zugänglicher Werke vor. Jedes einzelne ist einem bestimmten Abschnitt in Medusas Leben gewidmet. Als erstes treffen wir ein Kind, das seine ersten Schritte in die Welt macht (im Bilderbuch Brush Your Hair, Medusa! von Joan Holub und Leslie Patricelli). Dann stehen wir einer Teenagerin gegenüber, die die Bedeutung wahrer Akzeptanz entdeckt (The Goddess Girls-Serie von Joan Holub und Suzanne Williams). In einem dritten Teil folgen wir einem heranwachsenden Mädchen (und ebenso einem Burschen), die ihre Identität entwickeln (in den TV-Serien Monster High und Legacies – einem Spin-off von The Vampire Diaries). Später sehen wir eine erwachsene Frau, die für ihr Recht auf Glück kämpft (BBC TV-Serie Atlantis). Danach beobachten wir eine ältere Frau, zerrissen zwischen Liebe und Hass (Rick Riordans Percy Jackson). Und schließlich begegnen wir einer Mutter, die ihre Rolle in der Gesellschaft findet (im Bilderbuch Mère Méduse von Kitty Crowther).Dieser aus literarischen und audiovisuellen Elementen zusammengestellte Lebenslauf der Medusa erlaubt uns einen neuen Blick auf die mythologische Figur. Versteinert sie immer noch mit ihrem Blick als Ungeheuer, ist sie ein Opfer, oder kann sie überhaupt eine Leitfigur für moderne Kinder und Jugendliche werden, um sich selbst besser kennenzulernen und gegenüber Anderen größere Empathie zu entwickeln? ; This text has been prepared within the project Our Mythical Childhood. The Reception of Classical Antiquity in Children's and Young Adults' Culture in Response to Regional and Global Challenges, which has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme under grant agreement No 681202, ERC Consolidator Grant (2016-2021), led by Katarzyna Marciniak, Faculty of "Artes Liberales", the University of Warsaw. Medusa is one of the best known mythical creatures, a monster par excellence. Ancient literature transmits two versions of her story – a primordial being from pre-Olympian times (Hesiod, Theogony 270-285) and a young woman who was raped by Poseidon in Athena's temple and punished by being transformed into a hideous beast for what the goddess presumed was a dreadful sacrilege (Ovid, Metamorphoses 4,753-803). Down through the millennia of classical reception, Medusa appeared mainly as a killing monster to be defeated by the hero on his "Campbellian" journey to glory (Campbell 2004). Then Hélène Cixous listened to her voice as that of a victim – with a particular focus on her womanhood – and made Medusa an icon for generations of women who suffered innocently due to a range of societal factors (Cixous 1976).Is a similar reversal of perspective also valid in the culture for a young audience? Does this culture feature Medusa simply as a monster, or rather as a victim? Or perhaps there are more roles for her still? We have attempted to answer these questions by taking as our starting point an analysis of Medusa's reception in two movies – namely, Clash of the Titans, the original from 1981 and the remake from 2010. This analysis reveals characteristic traits of her image as encoded in the 1980s, a period of particular importance for the development of popular culture, and compares them with the representation transformed into a believable 21st-century protagonist and following the demands of a 21st-century audience. The study of the Medusa characters in the two Clashes is interspersed with an overview of the most relevant ancient sources and the contemporary narrative both by scholars and popularizers of Classical Antiquity.Then, we propose a short survey of selected, mostly globally accessible works. Each is dedicated to a specific stage of Medusa's life. First, we meet a child taking her first steps in the world (the picture book Brush Your Hair, Medusa! by Joan Holub and Leslie Patricelli). Second, we face a teen who discovers the meaning of true acceptance (The Goddess Girls series by Joan Holub and Suzanne Williams). Third, we follow a maturing girl (and boy) building her (his) identity (the TV series Monster High and Legacies – a spin-off of The Vampire Diaries). Subsequently, we see a grown-up woman who fights for her right to happiness (BBC TV series Atlantis). Next, we observe an elderly lady torn between love and hate (Percy Jackson by Rick Riordan). And finally, we encounter a mother who learns her role in society (the picture book Mère Méduse by Kitty Crowther).This composite, literary-audio-visual curriculum vitae of Medusa permits us to risk casting a new look at this mythical creature. Does she still petrify with the gaze of a monster, or is she a victim? Or, above all, is she able to become a guide for contemporary children and young adults to better awareness of themselves and greater empathy towards the Other?

Der strukturelle Umbruch im Bachelor/Mastersystem der Erziehungs- und Bildungswissenschaften erfordert eine neue Bestandsaufnahme. In diesem studienbegleitenden Grundkurs werden die relevanten Bereiche von ausgewiesenen Autorinnen und Autoren dargestellt. Themenschwerpunkte sind: Theorien der Erziehungs- und Bildungswissenschaften; Grundbegriffe: Lernen, Sozialisation, Erziehung und Bildung; Grundformen: Didaktik und Unterricht, Diagnose und Bewertung, Beratung, Planung und Steuerung; Arbeitsfelder: Schule, Kinder- und Jugendbildung, Berufsbildung, Heil- und Sonderpädagogik, Erwachsenenbildung sowie Medien; Querschnittsaufgaben: Interkulturelle Bildung, Geschlecht und Bildung, Bildungspolitik, -recht und -finanzierung sowie die Geschichte des Fachs. Zudem werden die wichtigsten Forschungskonzepte und -methoden behandelt. (DIPF/Orig.)

Rezension von: Lilian Fried / Susanna Roux (Hrsg.): Pädagogik der frühen Kindheit. Handbuch und Nachschlagewerk. Berlin: Cornelsen Scriptor 2006 (400 S.; ISBN 978-3-589-24516-1; 39,90 EUR).

Der Beitrag widmet sich dem Thema der beruflichen Ziele und Ansprüche von männlichen und weiblichen Jugendlichen in der ehemaligen DDR. Es zeigt sich, dass es sehr deutliche Geschlechtsunterschiede in der Berufswahl gab - die sehr stark am traditionellen Rollenmodell orientiert war. Ganz im Gegensatz zur herrschenden Ideologie, denn Geschlechterdiskriminierung gab es angeblich nur im kapitalistischen Westen. Tatsächlich aber war die Freiheit der Berufswahl massiv eingeschränkt und musste sich an äußeren Maßgaben orientieren: Das rigide Planungssystem basierte bei der Berufsausbildung auf wirtschaftlichen und regionalen Erfordernissen und politischen Interessen. Frauen waren immer auch als "Arbeitskräfteressource" eingeplant. Zwar gab es für alle Jugendlichen einen Ausbildungsplatz, jedoch oft um den Preis persönlichen Verzichts bei der Realisierung individueller Berufswünsche. Insbesondere junge Frauen waren dabei besonders benachteiligt, da sie einerseits konservativen Rollenerwartungen zu genügen hatten - etwa auch in der Frage, welcher Beruf für eine Frau als akzeptabel angesehen wurde. Gleichzeitig sollten sie aber auch den "modernen" Vorstellungen weiblicher Emanzipation gerecht werden - entsprechend der Ideologie des "Arbeiter- und Bauernstaates". Der Artikel führt aus, dass die beeinflussenden Lehrkräfte deutlich stärker noch als ihre Schülerinnen und Schüler am traditionellen Rollenbild orientiert waren. Abschließend weist der Beitrag darauf hin, dass die Einschränkungen des rollenkonservativen, beruflichen Selbstbildes junger Frauen heute zu einer Belastung und Benachteiligung für die Lebensplanung werden - angesichts der realen beruflichen Möglichkeiten, die sich jungen Frauen in der Bundesrepublik bieten. (ICB)

Includes bibliographical references (p. 231-242). ; Number of sources in the bibliography: 200 ; Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Cyprus, Faculty of Engineering, Department of Architecture, 2019. ; The University of Cyprus Library holds the printed form of the thesis. ; Οι πόλεις και η μορφή που σχηματίζουν αποτελεί βασικό αντικείμενο μελέτης σε διάφορους κλάδους. Αν και οι πόλεις σε ολόκληρο τον κόσμο διαφέρουν ως προς την κοινωνική και χωρική τους δομή, είναι γνωστό ότι οι δημόσιοι χώροι διαδραματίζουν σημαντικό ρόλο στη δημόσια ζωή της πόλης και, κατά συνέπεια, είναι απαραίτητο συστατικό στη ζωή των κατοίκων της (Madanipour, 2010). Η φύση και η αντίληψη του δημόσιου χώρου και της δημόσιας ζωής συσχετίζονταν πάντα με τη συλλογική συμμετοχή και την κοινωνικοποίηση - με άλλα λόγια, την ικανότητα των ατόμων να ζουν μαζί. Σήμερα αυτοί οι συσχετισμοί αμφισβητούνται και καθίστανται προβληματικοί, και αρκετές φορές οδηγούν στο ερώτημα, κατά πόσο ο δημόσιος χώρος εξακολουθεί να έχει σημασία στη δημόσια ζωή. Οι σύγχρονες πόλεις συχνά συνδέονται με θέματα αποξένωσης, κατακερματισμού, διαχωρισμού, ιδιωτικοποίησης κτλ. Το νόημα, η φύση και ο ρόλος του δημόσιου χώρου έχει αλλάξει ριζικά, καθώς ο δημόσιος χώρος αντανακλά τις κοινωνικές πραγματικότητες και τους τρόπους με τους η κοινωνία δομείται, και σχηματίζεται από τον άνισο καταμερισμό δυνάμεων της εξουσίας και των πόρων, οι οποίοι σε πολλές περιπτώσεις οδηγούν σε εντάσεις και συγκρούσεις, όπως και σε συνεργασίες και συμβιβασμούς (Madanipour, 2010). Τα πιο πάνω θέματα των σύγχρονων κοινωνιών, επηρεάζουν τις πόλεις παγκοσμίως, και κατά συνέπεια και τους κάτοικους τους. Οι κεντρικοί δημόσιοι χώροι στις πόλεις διαδραμάτιζαν πάντα σημαντικό ρόλο στην αστική εμπειρία και εξακολουθούν να έχουν σημαντικό ρόλο, και συχνά περιγράφονται ως χώροι συνάντησης πολιτισμών, πολιτικής, κοινωνικών και ατομικών τροχιών (Braunfels, 1988; Gehl, 1996; Worpole, 2000; Moughtin, 2003). Ωστόσο, σπάνια κατανέμεται η ίδια αξιόλογη σημασία στους δημόσιους χώρους των γειτονιών και των προαστίων, στους οποίους εκτυλίσσεται η καθημερινή ζωή των πολιτών. Αυτή η ερευνητική εργασία κατανοεί το δημόσιο χώρο, όχι μόνο ως προς τη δόμη-μορφή του, αλλά και ως προς τους κοινωνικούς του συσχετισμούς και τις κοινωνικές δράσεις των ατόμων ή των κοινωνικών συνόλων. Κατανοείται ως ένα χώρος ο οποίος συνεχώς αμφισβητείται, επαναπροσδιορίζεται και ανακατασκευάζεται. Αυτή η διατριβή υπογραμμίζει την πολυπλοκότητα των παραγόντων που εμπλέκονται με την παραγωγή, τον μετασχηματισμό και τη χρήση του δημόσιου χώρου. Το ερευνητικό ερώτημα που θέτει η παρούσα εργασία είναι: Ποιοι είναι οι συνθετικοί μηχανισμοί, οι οποίοι διαμορφώνουν τους δημόσιους χώρους στις γειτονιές; Πιο συγκεκριμένα, ποιοι είναι οι μηχανισμοί, οι οποίοι εμπλέκονται με την παραγωγή ή την αναπαραγωγή του δημόσιου χώρου, σε κατοικημένες περιοχές, και ειδικότερα στην πόλη της Λεμεσού, μια παραλιακή πόλη της Κύπρου, η οποία γνώρισε μιαν περίοδο ταχείας αστικοποίησης και ανάπτυξης, και βίωσε μιαν σειρά από κοινωνικές, οικονομικές και πολιτικές συνθήκες, οι οποίες επηρέασαν την κοινωνική και χωρική αστική της μορφή. Υπό το πρίσμα ενός θεωρητικού πλαισίου, το οποίο βασίζεται πάνω στην σχεσιακή αντίληψη, γίνεται προσπάθεια να προσδιοριστεί η σχέση μεταξύ των παραγόντων που εμπλέκονται στην παραγωγή, χρήση και μετασχηματισμό των δημόσιων χώρων, σε τρία διαφορετικά κοινωνικο-χωρικά περιβάλλοντα στις γειτονιές της Λεμεσού. Η κατανόηση των μηχανισμών που επηρεάζουν την παραγωγή και χρήση αυτών των χώρων, θα διευκολύνει ενδεχομένως τη βελτίωσή τους και, ενδεχομένως, τη βελτίωση της δημόσιας ζωής στις αστικές γειτονιές. Η μελέτη αυτή εισάγει τα βασικά θέματα που σχετίζονται με τις χωρικές και κοινωνικές διαστάσεις του δημόσιου χώρου μέσω δύο αλληλένδετων αξόνων (κάθετου και οριζόντιου), τους οποίους συνθέτουν οι παγκόσμιες και τοπικές τάσεις, οι φορείς που εμπλέκονται στο δημόσιο χώρο μέσω διαφορετικών τρόπων και καθημερινών πρακτικών/ακτιβισμός κοινωνικών ομάδων ή ατόμων, η διαδικασία-χρόνος, η σχέση του μέρος με το όλον, και τέλος η χωρική διάσταση του δημόσιου χώρου. Η ανάλυση δείχνει ότι η διαδικασία παραγωγής, χρήσης και ανάπτυξης του δημόσιου χώρου, διαφέρει αναλόγως του χωρικού και του κοινωνικού περιβάλλοντος. Τα βασικά στοιχεία παρουσιάζονται ως αλληλένδετα και επηρεάζουν με ποικίλους τρόπους την παραγωγή το μετασχηματισμό του δημόσιου χώρου αναλόγως των αλληλεπιδράσεων. Κάθε αλληλεπίδραση επηρεάζει με διαφορετικό τρόπο τους δημόσιους χώρους και ανάλογα με το κοινωνικό περιβάλλον του κάθε χώρου, κάθε αλληλεπίδραση αντιδρά με διαφορετικούς τρόπους. Αναλόγως της σύνθεσης των στοιχείων, κάθε δημόσιος χώρος διαμορφώνεται και αναδιαμορφώνεται με διαφορετικό τρόπο, έχει διαφορετικό ρόλο σε διαφορετικά περιβάλλοντα. ; Cities and the form that settlements take, are a main object of study within many disciplines (Le Galès, 2002). Although cities across the world differ in terms of their social and spatial structures, it is acknowledged that their public spaces play a significant role in the public life of the city and, therefore are a necessary part in the life of its residents (Madanipour, 2010). The nature and conceptualization of public space and public life have always been associated with collective participation and socialization – in other words, the capacity to live together among strangers. Today, these associations seem to be challenged and problematic, and often end in questioning whether public space still matters in our public life. Modern cities are often associated with issues of alienation, fragmentation, segregation, privatization among others. The meaning, nature and role of public space has radically changed as public space reflects social realities and the ways in which a society is structured, shaped by unequal distribution of power and resources, that in many cases lead to tensions and conflicts as well as collaboration and compromise (Madanipour, 2010). The above issues faced by contemporary societies, currently affect cities globally and in turn their urbanites. Central public spaces in cities have always played an important role in urban experience, and continue to have a city-wide significance, and are often described as the meeting spaces of cultures, politics, social and individual trajectories (Braunfels, 1988; Gehl, 1996; Worpole, 2000; Moughtin, 2003). However, peripheral and/or neighborhood public spaces where the everyday life of citizens unfolds, rarely enjoy any of this significance. This study sets out to explore public space not only by its form-structure, but in relation to social relations and the social actions of individuals or social groups; as a place that it is constantly contested, redefined and reformulated. The thesis highlights the complexity of the factors involved in the production, transformation and use of public space and informs the search of the theoretical framework of this thesis. The research question that underpins this thesis is therefore: what are the synthesizing mechanisms, which shape public spaces in cities' neighborhoods? Most particularly, what are the mechanisms, which are involved in the production and transformation of a public space in residential areas, and most specifically in the case of Limassol, a port-city in Cyprus, which has experienced a period of rapid urbanization and transformation. Limassol is a particularly suitable case study for this thesis because it has experienced a range of social, economic and political conditions that have affected its social and spatial urban form. In the light of a theoretical framework, which builds on a relational perspective an attempt is made to identify the relation between the number of factors underpinning the production, use and transformation of public spaces in three different socio-spatial environments in Limassol's neighborhoods. Understanding the mechanisms influencing the production and use of such spaces, will potentially facilitate their improvement and thus, the improvement of the public life in the urban neighborhoods. This study proposes key factors related with the spatial and social dimensions of public space, through two interrelated axes (vertical and horizontal) which, include the global and local socio-spatial realities, the actors/stakeholders (power relations) involved with public space in a variety of ways and the everyday practices of social groups or individuals, the temporal dimension, the part-whole relationship, and the spatial dimension of public space. The analysis shows that the production, use and development of public spaces in different spatial and social environments differ. The key factors introduced in the thesis are interrelated and affect, in a diversity of ways, the production and transformation of the public space according to temporal interactions. Depending on the synthesis of these factors, each public space is formed and is reformed in various ways, playing a different role in different contexts.

ABSTRAKEVALUASI PROGRAM E-PARKING DI KAWASAN PARKIR BALAI KOTA SURABAYA Nama : Deldha Eqy ArtamaliaNim : 15040674093Program Studi : S1 – Ilmu Administrasi NegaraJurusan : Administrasi NegaraNama Lembaga : Universitas Negeri SurabayaPembimbing : Indah Prabawati, S. Sos., M.Si Kebijakan Penetapan Program E-Parking di Kota Surabaya diterapkan berdasarkan Peraturan Daerah Kota Surabaya Nomor 3 Tahun 2018 tentang Penyelenggaraan Perparkiran di Kota Surabayadan diperkuat dengan adanya Standard Operating Procedure (SOP). Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) ini disusun sebagai landasan operasional sistem integrasi Alat Parkir Meter dengan transaksi uang elektronik multi penerbit. Tujuan E-Parking atau alat parkir meter ini yakni menekan kebocoran PAD sektor parkir, menertibkan juru parkir, memudahkan masyarakat saat parkir dan menuju Kota Surabaya menjadi Smart City. Alat parkir meter ini mulai dipasang dan langsung diuji coba terhadap pengguna parkir di sekitar Balai Kota Surabaya yaitu di Jalan Sedap Malam dan Jalan Jimerto pada tanggal 1 Februari tahun 2017 selanjutnya dipasang di sekitar Taman Bungkul Kota Surabaya yaitu di Jalan Taman Bungkul Darmo pada tanggal 29 Desember 2017. Alat parkir meter ini berbentuk persegi panjang berwarna hitam doff dan menggunakan pembayaran uang elektronik atau e-money sebagai alat pembayaran parkir. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah mengevaluasi program E-Parking di kawasan parkir Balai Kota Surabaya. Fokus dari penelitian ini adalah efektivitas, efisiensi, kecukupan, perataan, responsivitas, ketepatan. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Subjek penelitian ini terdiri dari Kepala UPTD Parkir Surabaya Timur, pegawai Dinas Perhubungan Kota Surabaya, juru parkir Balai Kota Surabaya, tim wallet Dinas Perhubungan Kota Surabaya, pengguna fasilitas E-Parking di Balai Kota Surabaya. Teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi. Teknik analisis data yang dilakukan dengan pengumpulan data, reduksi data, penyajian data dan verifikasi data. Hasil penelitian berdasarkan efektivitas telah mencapai tujuannya yakni pengguna alat parkir meter merasa percaya kepada juru parkir dan program E-Parking dan dengan adanya alat parkir meter ini dapat menekan angka kebocoran PAD Kota Surabaya sektor parkir. Efisiensi dalam sumber daya manusia sudah sesuai dengan tupoksi yang ada. Pada sumber daya finansial meski hasil pengeluaran lebih besar dari hasil pendapatan, Dinas Perhubungan Kota Surabaya menjelaskan bahwa tidak mencari laba melainkan mencari kepercayaan masyarakat dalam program ini. Sumber daya waktu Program E-Parking ini dapat dilihat dari kegiatan tiga tahap sosialisasi yang diadakan oleh Dinas Perhubungan Kota Surabaya kepada masyarakat agar masyarakat paham akan program tersebut. Kecukupan dalam program ini dapat dilihat dari cara Dinas Perhubungan Kota Surabaya memecahkan permasalahan yang ada dengan cara mengadakan evaluasi setiap enam bulan sekali terkait dengan pendapatan, pengaduan, keluhan masyarakat. Perataan ini berkaitan dengan manfaat yang diperoleh masyarakat, yakni meningkatkan keamanan kendaraan, mengurangi antrian kendaraan masuk karena pencatatan sudah melalui komputer, memudahkan masyarakat dalam pembayaran parkir, perataan disini juga berkaitan dengan peningkatan Pendapatan Asli Daerah (PAD) Kota Surabaya dalam sektor parkir. Responsivitas pemerintah dalam program E-Parking ini memberikan rasa kepercayaan untuk masyarakat kepada pemerintah dan mengajarkan masyarakat untuk menggunakan pelayanan dari pemerintah yang berbasis elektronik. Ketepatan dalam program E-Parking ini sudah sesuai dengan kebutuhan masyarakat yaitu membayar tarif parkir dengan ketentuan pemerintah dan mendapat pelayanan yang baik dalam bidang parkir. Adapun saran yang diajukan adalah sebaiknya dapat menggunakan CCTV untuk mempermudah pemantauan dilapangan, melakukan sosialisasi kepada masyarakat agar masyarakat tahu kegunaan, cara menggunakan alat parkir meter dan agar masyarakat memiliki E-Money. Dinas Perhubungan dapat menambah pemasangan alat parkir meter di lokasi-lokasi pusat keramaian yang ada di Kota Surabaya agar semua permasalahan dibidang parkir dapat teratasi dengan baik. Kata Kunci : Evaluasi, E-Parking ABSTRACTEVALUATION OF E-PARKING PROGRAMS IN BALAI KOTA SURABAYA PARKING AREA Name : Deldha Eqy ArtamaliaNim : 15040674093Study program : S1 - State Administration ScienceDepartment : State Administrationinstitution name : Surabaya State UniversityMentor : Indah Prabawati, S. Sos., M.Sc. The policy of establishing an E-Parking Program in the city of Surabaya applied based on the Regional Regulation of the City of Surabaya Number 3 Year 2018 concerning the Implementation of Parking in the City of Surabaya and strengthened by the existence of a Standard Operating Procedure (SOP). This Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) is structured as an operational basis for the Parking Meter Integration system with multi-issuer electronic money transactions. The purpose of this E-Parking or parking meter is to reduce the leakage of the PAD in the parking sector, bring order to the parking attendants, make it easier for the public to park and head for Surabaya to become a Smart City. This parking meter was installed and tested immediately against parking users around Surabaya City Hall, namely Jalan Sedap Malam and Jalan Jimerto on February 1, 2017, and then installed around the Bungkul Park in Surabaya, on Jalan Taman Bungkul Darmo on December 29 2017. This meter parking lot is black and black rectangular and uses electronic money or e-money as a parking payment instrument. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the E-Parking program in the Surabaya City Hall parking area. The focus of this research is effectiveness, efficiency, adequacy, alignment, responsiveness, accuracy. The type of research used is descriptive with a qualitative approach. The subjects of this study consisted of the Head of the East Surabaya Parking UPTD, the Surabaya City Transportation Service employee, the Surabaya City Hall parking attendant, the Surabaya City Transportation Department wallet team, the user of the E-Parking facility in Surabaya City Hall. Data collection techniques used were interviews, observation and documentation. Data analysis techniques carried out by data collection, data reduction, data presentation and data verification. The results of the research based on effectiveness have reached the goal of using meter parking users to believe in parking attendants and E-Parking programs and with this meter parking tool can reduce the Surabaya PAD leakage in the parking sector. Efficiency in human resources is in accordance with the existing Tupoksi. In financial resources, although the results of expenditure are greater than income, the Transportation Office of Surabaya City explained that not looking for profit but looking for public trust in this program. The time resources for the E-Parking Program can be seen from the three-stage socialization activities held by the Surabaya City Transportation Agency to the public so that the community understands the program. Adequacy in this program can be seen from the way the Surabaya City Transportation Agency solves existing problems by conducting evaluations every six months related to income, complaints, public complaints. This leveling is related to the benefits obtained by the community, namely increasing vehicle safety, reducing the queue of vehicles entering because the recording has been through computers, facilitating the public in parking payments, leveling here is also related to the increase in Surabayas Original Regional Income in the parking sector. Government responsiveness in the E-Parking program gives a sense of trust to the public to the government and teaches the community to use electronic-based government services. The accuracy in the E-Parking program is in accordance with the needs of the community, namely paying parking fees with government regulations and getting good service in the parking area. The suggestion put forward is that you should be able to use CCTV to facilitate monitoring in the field, to disseminate information to the public so that people know the uses, how to use meter parking equipment and so that people have E-Money. The Department of Transportation can add the installation of meter parking equipment in the locations of crowded centers in the city of Surabaya so that all problems in the parking area can be resolved properly. Keywords: Evaluation, E-Parking

The article is updated and argues that political pluralism, as a coexistence and competition of ideas, concepts, theories and systems that give different answers to political questions, raised important practical problems: the need to maintain and strengthen the unity society whose members have different ideologies; ensure consensus on the basic norms and values necessary for its functioning and development; the promotion of tolerance in relations between supporters of different ideologies, development of dialogue between them; conflict prevention political grounds.These problems are urgent for the Ukrainian society, which presents a wide spectrum of political and ideological orientations. In addition, in today's Ukraine, the acute problem of overcoming of political confrontation. This calls for the development of tolerance and dialogue. A big role in solution of these problems belongs to the party leaders.In this context, it is emphasized that the party leaders, as important actors in the system of political activity carry out the following functions: articulation and aggregation of interests of certain social groups; the struggle for the conquest of political power; the use of political power to implement socially important objectives; monitoring the activity of state bodies or the formation and implementation of the adopted political course; political education and ideological socialization of voters and the like.An important prerequisite and both the means to achieve them in conflict confrontation serves the political tolerance.Political tolerance is seen as the type of interaction and relationships between the various social groups, political parties, leaders, whose sides are of perception and patience in regard to difference in views, views, positions and actions.The article analyzes the political tolerance as an integral component and the principle of the activity of the party leaders. Stresses that, in societies with a variety of cultures and languages, numerous channels and institutions expression of social, national, religious and other interests, as a rule, more prerequisites for implementation of the principle of tolerance in the relations inside a multiparty system. At the same time, in our opinion, the principle of tolerance in practice is not yet indicative of the processes parton in our country. The actual format of interaction of domestic political forces somewhere on unfortunately excludes the existence of any of the principles and tactics of political struggle and political confrontation marked by a lack of fundamental principles of tolerance.It is concluded that the parties and their leaders need to master the science and art of political dialogue, to adopt a set of rules of political behavior. Among them, in particular for determining the appropriateness of the opposite position, giving up claims to exclusive possession of the truth in the last instance, etc.The development of the political life of the society leads to the understanding and recognition of what is to provide General, to be a carrier of a public entity, are all people, and not any particular part of society. Political activities should be based on the recognition that any social problem can be resolved only on the basis of mutual consent. ; У статті актуалізується та обґрунтовується теза про те, що політичний плюралізм, як співіснування й конкуренція ідей, концепцій, теорій і систем, що дають різні відповіді на політичні питання, породжує важливі практичні проблеми: необхідність підтримки й зміцнення єдності суспільства, члени якого дотримуються різних світоглядів; забезпечення консенсусу щодо основних норм і цінностей, необхідних для його функціонування й розвитку; утвердження толерантності у відносинах між прибічниками різних світоглядів, розвиток діалогу між ними; запобігання гострих конфліктів на політичному підгрунті.Зазначені проблеми актуальні для українського суспільства, в якому представлений широкий спектр політично­ідеологічних орієнтацій. Крім того, в сучасній Україні гостро стоїть проблема подолання політичного протистояння. Це зумовлює необхідність розвитку толерантності й діалогу. Велика роль у розв'язанні цих проблем належить партійним лідерам.В цьому контексті підкреслюється, що партійні лідери, як важливі суб'єкти у системі політичної діяльності, виконують такі функції: артикуляція й агрегування інтересів певних соціальних груп; боротьба за здобуття політичної влади; використання політичної влади з метою здійснення суспільно значущих завдань; контроль за діяльністю державних органів або формування та здійснення прийнятого політичного курсу; політичне виховання й ідеологічна соціалізація виборців тощо.Важливою передумовою і водночас засобом їх досягнення в умовах конфліктного протиборства виступає політична толерантність.Політична толерантність розглядається як різновид взаємодії та взаємовідносин між різними соціальними групами, політичними партіями, лідерами, за якого сторони виявляють сприйняття і терпіння щодо різниці у поглядах, уявленнях, позиціях та діях.У статті аналізується політична толерантність як невід'ємний компонент та принцип діяльність партійних лідерів. Наголошується на тому, що у суспільствах із розмаїтістю культур і мов, численними каналами й інститутами вираження соціальних, національних, релігійних та інших інтересів, як правило, більше передумов для реалізації принципу толерантності у відносинах всередині багатопартійної системи. Водночас, на нашу думку, принцип толерантності на практиці поки що не є характерним для процесів партієтворення у нашій країні. Реальний формат взаємодії вітчизняних партійних сил подекуди, на жаль, виключає наявність будь­яких принципів, а тактика політичної боротьби та політичного протистояння відзначається відсутністю принципових засад толерантності.Робиться висновок, що партіям та їхнім лідерам необхідно опанувати науку й мистецтво політичного діалогу, взяти на озброєння певний набір правил політичної поведінки. Серед них, зокрема визначення правомірності протилежної позиції, відмова від претензії на монопольне володіння істиною в останній інстанції тощо.Розвиток політичного життя суспільства веде до розуміння й визнання того, що репрезентувати загальне, бути носіями суспільної сутності мають всі люди, а не якась окрема частина суспільства. Політична діяльність має спиратися на визнання того, що будь­яка суспільна проблема може бути розв'язана тільки на ґрунті загальної згоди. ; У статті актуалізується та обґрунтовується теза про те, що політичний плюралізм, як співіснування й конкуренція ідей, концепцій, теорій і систем, що дають різні відповіді на політичні питання, породжує важливі практичні проблеми: необхідність підтримки й зміцнення єдності суспільства, члени якого дотримуються різних світоглядів; забезпечення консенсусу щодо основних норм і цінностей, необхідних для його функціонування й розвитку; утвердження толерантності у відносинах між прибічниками різних світоглядів, розвиток діалогу між ними; запобігання гострих конфліктів на політичному підгрунті.Зазначені проблеми актуальні для українського суспільства, в якому представлений широкий спектр політично­ідеологічних орієнтацій. Крім того, в сучасній Україні гостро стоїть проблема подолання політичного протистояння. Це зумовлює необхідність розвитку толерантності й діалогу. Велика роль у розв'язанні цих проблем належить партійним лідерам.В цьому контексті підкреслюється, що партійні лідери, як важливі суб'єкти у системі політичної діяльності, виконують такі функції: артикуляція й агрегування інтересів певних соціальних груп; боротьба за здобуття політичної влади; використання політичної влади з метою здійснення суспільно значущих завдань; контроль за діяльністю державних органів або формування та здійснення прийнятого політичного курсу; політичне виховання й ідеологічна соціалізація виборців тощо.Важливою передумовою і водночас засобом їх досягнення в умовах конфліктного протиборства виступає політична толерантність.Політична толерантність розглядається як різновид взаємодії та взаємовідносин між різними соціальними групами, політичними партіями, лідерами, за якого сторони виявляють сприйняття і терпіння щодо різниці у поглядах, уявленнях, позиціях та діях.У статті аналізується політична толерантність як невід'ємний компонент та принцип діяльність партійних лідерів. Наголошується на тому, що у суспільствах із розмаїтістю культур і мов, численними каналами й інститутами вираження соціальних, національних, релігійних та інших інтересів, як правило, більше передумов для реалізації принципу толерантності у відносинах всередині багатопартійної системи. Водночас, на нашу думку, принцип толерантності на практиці поки що не є характерним для процесів партієтворення у нашій країні. Реальний формат взаємодії вітчизняних партійних сил подекуди, на жаль, виключає наявність будь­яких принципів, а тактика політичної боротьби та політичного протистояння відзначається відсутністю принципових засад толерантності.Робиться висновок, що партіям та їхнім лідерам необхідно опанувати науку й мистецтво політичного діалогу, взяти на озброєння певний набір правил політичної поведінки. Серед них, зокрема визначення правомірності протилежної позиції, відмова від претензії на монопольне володіння істиною в останній інстанції тощо.Розвиток політичного життя суспільства веде до розуміння й визнання того, що репрезентувати загальне, бути носіями суспільної сутності мають всі люди, а не якась окрема частина суспільства. Політична діяльність має спиратися на визнання того, що будь­яка суспільна проблема може бути розв'язана тільки на ґрунті загальної згоди.

The struggle to belong Dealing with diversity in 21st century urban settings. Amsterdam, 7-9 July 2011 Eye contact, clientele alignment & laissez-faire: the production of public space and neighbourhood in Phnom Penh, Cambodia Thomas Kolnberger(*) Paper presented at the International RC21 conference 2011 Session: Nr. 12 – Belonging, exclusion, public and quasi-public space (*) Université du Luxembourg, Luxembourg, Research Unit IPSE (Identité, Politiques, Sociètes, Espace) Universität Passau, BR Deutschland Southeast Asian Studies thomas.kolnberger@uni.lu Overview Private, public or quasi-public spaces are terms that seem particularly difficult to apply to non-Western societies: as in the 'West', their boundaries are fluid and routinely transgressed, but in ways that are distinctive to the local situation and history. This paper is arguing that these concepts retain practical descriptive power, particularly for the city of Phnom Penh, a case study of demographic extremes, as nearly all her inhabitants could be classified as immigrants. In deed, the Khmer Rouge had forcefully evicted the ca. two million people-strong population of the capital in 1975, virtually erasing all 'bourgeois urbanity' during Pol Pot's Cambodian 'auto-genocide'. After the fall of the regime, the new socialist government slowly repopulated the deserted metropolis with new urban dwellers. Their social and spatial belonging needed to be set up from scratch. "Who belongs to whom" (in terms of political clientelism and patronage), "who is doing what" (regarding face-to-face control and eye contact investigation), and "who owns what" (concerning redistribution and also new original accumulation of capital) were the essential questions in this 'struggle to belong'. In this urban setting, people have been employing a mixed set of strategies for implementing 'belonging' ever since. Based on empirical surveys (mapping & interviews) and research in Cambodian and French colonial archives, this paper presents the constant negotiations of private and public space in a changing economic environment from three angles: - streets, squares, and parks as spaces of interaction: the spatial inheritance of the French colonialism in a new context - the emergence of different types of gated communities since 1975: at first by spatial inclusion strategies generating patronage networks, then by urban planning separating rich from poor - the economy of espionage and imitation of Phnom Penh's retail trade: the neighbours' curious gaze Methodology - The city of Phnom Penh in Cambodia is a case study for a `rush economic evolution´ - This paper aims in one part to highlight the role and influence of place and space for a specific process: the spatial location of business sites in a unique window of opportunity as a self-organizing process `from below´. By applying spatial analysis (GPS mapping), a specific pattern of retail agglomeration and dispersion of this `atomistic´ metropolis could be identified. The analysis is based on fieldwork investigating the use of the city's space for economic ends. 1,000 kilometres of built frontage (`streetscapes´) with 14,647 cases of land use features (e.g. shops, `pavement economy´ etc.) have been surveyed and mapped. Subsequent to this quantitative part, 100 semi-structured interviews and numerous ad hoc conversations were conducted including a dozen of expert interviews (city administration, NGO, city planners). Results and Thesis - The city of Phnom Penh in Cambodia is a case study for a `subsistence urbanization´ - Much economic geography research has focused on the importance of the social context for various transactions. 'Face-to-face contact remains central to coordination of the economy, despite the remarkable reductions in transport costs and the astonishing rise in the complexity and variety of information – verbal, visual and symbolic – which can be communicated near instantly' (Storper and Venables, 2003, p. 43 ). Visual proximity and eye-contact are particularly important in environments of imperfect information, like in Cambodia after Pol Pot. Information was scarce at this time and communication hardware rare. Thus, in Phnom Penh's initial retail business formation, an 'economy of espionage and imitation' provided the necessary information for deal-making, decisions concerning the assortments of goods, prize, and trends. The first merchants and producers were heavily dependent on visual contact 'around the corner' and close contact also proved to be beneficial to customers. This specific knowledge and information externality (an externality or transaction spillover is a cost or benefit, not transmitted through prices) could only be reaped by spatial agglomerations. While screening and socialization of network members and potential partners were essential for the build-up of Cambodia's original clientele-system during the gradual resettlement, visual contact became the decisive steering mechanism for the original distribution of business agglomeration or its dispersion. For a `subsistence urbanization´, the public and quasi-public space are the most important `common-pool resource´. The influx of the population into the city produced a `non-rivalrous´ and `non-excludable´ economic good by the neighbours' curious gaze. - The city of Phnom Penh in Cambodia is a case study for a `spatial club´ - From a New Institutionalism's point of view 'City's neighbourhoods – residential, industrial and commercial clusters – are like firms, nexuses of agreements and understandings about entitlements to share and pooled resources. They differ from firms in that they are spatial clusterings and in that they cluster around resources that remain to varying extents in the public domain. They are like spatial clubs. Members co-operate by various forms of informal and formal rules and agreements in order to ensure the continued supply and enhancement of shared public domain goods. Municipal government is itself a type of club, delivering collectively consumed infrastructure and regulations from a tax on its citizens, firms and visitors. Communities, in the social sense, are also clubs – delivering collectively consumed benefits such as a sense of belonging, security and culture' (Webster and Lai 2003, p. 58). This spontaneous `neighbouring´ as 'rational herding' (Banerjee 1992; Hung and Plott 2001) helped to reduce transaction costs during the initial resettlement process (and beyond). It can be described as a continuous act of self agglomeration of business, creating bazaar-type streets over the whole of the city, which specialise in specific goods and services forming thus, from a bird's view perspective, a `mental retail map´ for the inhabitants. This is one side of building neighbourhoods in Phnom Penh. The base for this laissez-faire et laissez passer behaviorism of the government in (micro)economy was the redistribution of Phnom Penh's real estate amongst trustworthy followers. A `New property Deal´ of first in, first served allocated the built environment piecemeal. In this political economy, two steps are discernable. First, a community-building process regarding the public administration. Each ministry was assigned to a certain area of the city and in a top-down process, starting from the top echelons to the simple civil servants and officials, distributed land and housing. Initially, each responsible could pick `his´ followers and could reward him/her with the allocation of living space, a social structure, which represents a spatially bond replica of the traditional clientelism and patronage-network in Cambodia. These 'strings' (ksae) formed the first neighbourhoods as a kind of `original´ gated community because each administrative unit was planned to be self-sufficient. Each 'cité' (Carrier 2007) was thus clearly demarcated. Its decisions were autonomous, too. In certain areas of Phnom Penh, remnants of this socio-politically gathered community can be found. In a second step, and with increasing immigration, secondary ksae (the mother's cousin, the friend of a friend) proliferated and the city was being `filled up´. Today, the pattern of co-residence in technically secluded areas of Phnom Penh resembles the typical economical founded example of gated communities as neighbourhoods around the world: the rich and the better off separate from the rest. The once moral economy of the civil war and initial post-conflict years is dissolving. Regulation, commodification and the government's efforts to demarcate public and private space is replacing/reducing the common good 'public space'.

Ce sont les jeunes qui sont les premiers concernés par le défi environnemental du réchauffement climatique, car ce sont surtout eux qui auront à vivre les changements sociaux que ce phénomène entraînera inévitablement. Nous avons donc choisi, dans le cadre de notre thèse, de mener une enquête auprès de certaines catégories d'entre eux, dans le but de découvrir, considérant en particulier leurs valeurs, quels changements sociaux ayant des effets sur le mode de vie, et plus généralement quelles contraintes sociales, ils sont disposés à accepter, et à quelles conditions. Pour cela, nous nous sommes employés à déterminer les valeurs auxquelles les jeunes sont le plus attachés, à comprendre comment ils conçoivent le problème des changements climatiques et ses effets à long terme sur la société, à bien saisir la vision qu'ils ont de la société du futur, c'est-à-dire quelles sont les caractéristiques de la société dans laquelle ils souhaitent vivre, et à les interroger sur les conditions requises pour que ce souhait se réalise. Cette enquête a été faite au moyen d'entrevues semi-dirigées d'étudiants et d'étudiantes de niveau universitaire et collégial (technique), mais non de niveau secondaire (professionnel), tel que prévu au départ, à cause des mesures mises en place par le gouvernement en mars 2020 pour faire face à la pandémie de Covid-19. Nous avons toutefois tenté de prendre avantage de cette situation en interrogeant de nouveau, six mois après le début de la pandémie, la moitié des répondants afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure la crise de la Covid-19 avait influencé leur vision de la société future idéale. Nous avons interrogé 20 étudiants de l'Université Laval à l'automne 2019, 14 du Cégep Limoilou à l'hiver 2020, et 17 d'entre eux une seconde fois à l'automne 2020. Les résultats de notre enquête montrent que les répondants peuvent être classés selon six types distincts, soit ceux et celles qui souhaitent: I - des changements radicaux (principalement économiques) et une réduction des inégalités; II - des changements radicaux (principalement économiques) et une réduction des inégalités, mais qui n'ont pas confiance aux autres et à l'éducation; III - des changements radicaux (principalement économiques), mais qui n'ont pas confiance aux autres et à l'éducation; IV - des changements modérés (principalement économiques); V - des changements modérés (principalement économiques), mais qui n'ont pas confiance aux autres et à l'éducation; VI - peu de changements et qui font confiance à la technologie pour régler les problèmes. À l'exception de ceux de type VI (dans l'ensemble, malgré certaines réserves concernant les risques pour les humains, nos répondants sont plutôt d'avis que les progrès technologiques sont intéressants, mais qu'ils ne représentent pas la solution ultime aux défis environnementaux), il y a chez nos répondants un rejet assez généralisé de la société de consommation, même si ce rejet ne se reflète que bien partiellement dans leurs pratiques actuelles et correspond plutôt à leur vision de la société future idéale. Cette vision, il faut le souligner, découle clairement de leurs valeurs acquises au cours de leur socialisation dans un environnement caractéristique de la seconde modernité. Ces résultats confirment, comme nous en avions fait l'hypothèse, que beaucoup de jeunes veulent vivre dans une société dont la priorité est le bien-être des citoyens plutôt que la richesse financière personnelle et que la plupart sont prêts à des changements majeurs de leurs habitudes de vie. Toutefois, pour plusieurs, contrairement à ce que de nombreux penseurs affirment, et contrairement aussi à une de nos hypothèses, le lien entre la protection de l'environnement et la réduction des inégalités sociales n'est pas évident. D'un point de vue théorique, nous croyons que les quatre types de réflexivité développés par Archer (la réflexivité communicative, la réflexivité autonome, la méta-réflexivité, et la réflexivité fragmentée) sont applicables aux différentes visions qu'ont nos répondants de la société idéale, mais qu'il est nécessaire d'y introduire un nouveau paramètre, soit la confiance ou la non-confiance. Ceux et celles qui n'ont pas confiance aux autres et à l'éducation souhaitent un contrôle social beaucoup plus élevé dans la société future idéale. Par ailleurs, les résultats des nouvelles entrevues à l'automne 2020 indiquent que les valeurs sont plutôt stables et qu'elles peuvent être associées à des facteurs de changement social. ; Young people will the first to be affected by the environmental challenge of global warming, because it is above all they who will have to live the social changes that this phenomenon will inevitably bring about. We have therefore chosen, within the framework of our thesis, to conduct a survey of certain categories of them, with the aim of discovering, particularly considering their values, which social changes having effects on the way of life, and more generally what social constraints they are willing to accept, and under what conditions. To do this, we have endeavored to determine the values to which young people are most attached, to understand how they perceive the problem of climate change and its long-term effects on society, to fully grasp the vision they have of the society of the future, i.e. what are the characteristics of the society in which they wish to live, and to question them on the conditions required for this wish to be realized. This survey was carried out by means of semi-structured interviews of students at the university and technical college level, but not at the professional secondary level as initially planned, because of the measures imposed by the Québec government in March 2020 to deal with the Covid-19 pandemic. However, we tried to take advantage of this situation by interviewing again, six months after the start of the pandemic, half of the respondents, in order to determine to what extent the Covid-19 crisis had influenced their vision of the ideal future society. We interviewed 20 students from Laval University in the fall of 2019, 14 from Cégep Limoilou in the winter of 2020, and 17 of them a second time in the fall of 2020. The results of our survey show that the respondents can be classified into six distinct types, namely those who wish: I - radical changes (mainly economic) and a reduction in inequalities; II - radical changes (mainly economic) and a reduction in inequalities, but who do not trust others and education; III - radical changes (mainly economic), but who do not trust others and education; IV - moderate changes (mainly economic); V - moderate changes (mainly economic), but who do not trust others and education; VI - few changes and who trust technology to fix the problems. With the exception of those of type VI (overall, despite some reservations about the risks to humans, our respondents tend to believe that technological advances are interesting, but that they do not represent the ultimate solution to the environmental challenges), our respondents generally reject the consumer society, even if this rejection is only partially reflected in their current practices and rather corresponds to their vision of the ideal future society. This vision, it should be emphasized, clearly stems from their values acquired during their socialization in an environment that is characteristic of the second (or late) modernity. These results confirm, as we hypothesized, that many young people want to live in a society whose priority is the well-being of citizens rather than personal financial wealth and that most are ready for major changes in their way of life. However, for many, contrary to what many thinkers assert, and also contrary to one of our hypotheses, the link between environmental protection and the reduction of social inequalities is not obvious. From a theoretical point of view, we believe that the four types of reflexivity developed by Archer (communicative reflexivity, autonomous reflexivity, meta-reflexivity, and fragmented reflexivity) are applicable to the different views our respondents have of the ideal future society, but it is necessary to introduce a new parameter, trust or non-trust. Those who do not trust others and education desire much greater social control in the ideal future society. In addition, the results of the new interviews in the fall of 2020 indicate that values are rather stable and that they may be associated with factors of social change.

In the absence of statehood, it is culture that becomes a system of means and forms of organizing the life of an individual and society, therefore, it can be described as a «project or program of life», in which all important events are identified, their time frames and ways of implementation are indicated. Since the absence of statehood in the history of the Armenian people periodically made impossible to organize the life of the whole society according to the same principles and norms, this function was assumed by culture. However, it could not claim such universality and obligation, which is possible under the conditions of a state by the laws and national ideology. Consequently, culture could organize a person's life not in the forms of a large «we» (nation or society), but in small forms of transpersonal being - a family, a clan, a community. Since they belong to the public sphere, in this way ethnic culture provided self-expression and self-affirmation of the individual in public relations. The transpersonal is also a natural continuation of the personal, therefore, small «we» - family, clan, community, etc. are natural forms of transpersonal existence, formed in the Armenian culture. Since the natural development of the personality at a certain stage presupposes the expression of the social essence of a person, the adaptation and socialization of the personality takes place through these forms of transpersonal existence in the Armenian culture. At the same time, it should be mentioned that the conditions and opportunities for the formation and expression of the big «we» - the nation and society - are provided by the state. The long lasting absence of the state in the history of the Armenian people led to the fact that historically the transpersonal was limited to small forms of expression that had and still have a pronounced ethno-cultural character. Along with the lack of statehood, culture proved its viability and performed an ethno-protective function, strengthening itself in the consciousness of Armenians as a guarantee of the spiritual existence and development of the people. Despite the fact that small forms of the transpersonal are public spheres of personality expression, they in fact cannot completely replace the system of social relations and from this point of view can be characterized as simulacra, since they are imitations of social life, that is, symbols of what is not real. This does not diminish their reality, on the contrary - it is precisely the relations of families, clans, clans, friends and communities that form the social reality of the Armenian society, especially if we take into consideration that these relations have their continuation in the spheres of economy and politics, creating a clan economy and clan politics. Thus, we can conclude that there are three levels of personal expression in the ethno-psychology of Armenians: «I», small «we» and big «we». The long absence of statehood, life in a foreign cultural environment and the constant threat of expulsion and destruction left unfinished the processes of the formation of large forms of the transpersonal - the nation and society, and at the same time contributed to the fact that Armenians for survival relied on their «I» and small «we» - the family, the clan, the friends and the community. Due to the social reality they created it became possible for each individual to implement a life program - to get an education, a work, create a family, achieve well-being, etc. ; Հայոց պատմության մեջ պետության երկարատև բացակայության պայմաններում մշակույթն է դարձել է անհատի և հասարակության կյանքի կազմակերպման միջոցների և ձևերի հիմնական համակարգ, որն, ըստ այդմ, կարելի է բնութագրել որպես «կյանքի նախագիծ կամ ծրագիր», որում արձանագրվում են բոլոր կարևոր իրադարձությունները, դրանց ժամկետներն ու իրականացման եղանակները: Քանի որ հայ ժողովրդի պատմության մեջ պետականության բացակայությունը պարբերաբար անհնար էր դարձնում ամբողջ հասարակության կյանքի կազմակերպումը նույն սկզբունքների և նորմերի համաձայն, այդ գործառույթը ստանձնել էր մշակույթը, որը, սակայն, չէր կարող հավակներ ունենալ այնպիսի համընդհանուր և պարտադիր բնույթ, ինչպիսին կարող է ունենալ պետությունը` օրենքների և ազգային գաղափարախոսության շնորհիվ: Հետևաբար, մշակույթը կարող էր մարդու կյանքը կազմակերպել ոչ թե մեծ «մենք»-ի (ազգի կամ հասարակության) ձևով, այլ վերանձնային գոյության փոքր ձևերի միջոցով՝ ընտանիք, ընկերներ, տոհմ, համայնք: Քանի որ դրանք պատկանում են հարաբերությունների հանրային ոլորտին, ուստի դրանով մշակույթն ապահովում էր անհատի ինքնարտահայտումն ու ինքնահաստատումը սոցիալական կյանքում: Վերանձնայինը, փաստորեն, անձնայինի բնական շարունակությունն է հարաբերությունների ավելի լայն տիրույթում, հետեւաբար, փոքր «մենք»-երի ձևավորումը անհրաժեշտ էր և բնական: Քանի որ անհատականության բնական զարգացումը որոշակի փուլում ենթադրում է անձի սոցիալական էության արտահայտում, հայ մշակույթում անհատի հարմարվողականությունն ու սոցիալականացումն իրականացվում էին հենց այդ վերանձնային կառույցների միջոցով: Միևնույն ժամանակ, պետք է նշել, որ մեծ «մենք»-ի՝ ազգի և հասարակության, ձևավորման պայմաններն ու հնարավորություններն ապահովում է պետությունը: Վերջինիս երկար բացակայությունը հայ ժողովրդի պատմության մեջ հանգեցրեց նրան, որ պատմականորեն վերանձնայինը սահմանափակվում էր փոքր ձևերով, որոնք ունեցել են և ունեն ընդգծված էթնոմշակութային բնույթ: Պետության բացակայությանը զուգահեռ մշակույթն ապացուցեց իր կենսունակությունը և իրականացրեց էթնոպաշտպանիչ գործառույթ՝ ամրապնդվելով հայերի գիտակցության մեջ որպես ժողովրդի հոգևոր գոյության և զարգացման երաշխիք: Չնայած նրան, որ վերանձնայինի դրսևորման փոքր ձևերը անձնայինի արտահայտման հանրային ոլորտներ են, դրանք իրականում չեն կարող ամբողջությամբ փոխարինել սոցիալական հարաբերությունների համակարգը և այս իմաստով կարող են բնութագրվել որպես սիմուլյակրներ, քանի որ սոցիալական կյանքի իմիտացիա են, այսինքն, խորհրդանշում են մի բան, որ գոյություն չունի: Սակայն դրանից չի նվազում փոքր «մենք»-երի իրական լինելը, դեռ հակառակը, հենց ընտանիքների, տոհմերի, ընկերների և համայնքների հարաբերություններով է կառուցվում հայ հասարակության սոցիալական իրականությունը, հատկապես եթե հաշվի առնենք, որ այդ հարաբերություններն իրենց շարունակությունն ունեն տնտեսության և քաղաքականության մեջ` ստեղծելով կլանային տնտեսություն և կլանային քաղաքականություն: Այսպիսով, կարելի է եզրակացնել, որ հայերի էթնոհոգեբանության մեջ հնարավոր է առանձնացնել անձնայինի երեք մակարդակ` «ես», փոքր «մենք» և մեծ «մենք»: Պետության երկարատև բացակայությունը, օտար մշակութային միջավայրում ապրելը և տեղահանման ու ոչնչացման մշտական սպառնալիքը կիսատ թողեցին մեծ «մենք»-երի` ազգի և հասարակության, ձևավորման գործընթացները և միևնույն ժամանակ նպաստեցին նրան, որ հայերն իրենց կյանքը կառուցեն` ապավինելով «ես»-ին և փոքր «մենք»-երին` ընտանիքին, տոհմին, ընկերներին և համայնքին: Հենց դրանց ստեղծած սոցիալական իրականության մեջ է հնարավոր դարձել իրականցնել այսպես կոչված «կյանքի ծրագիրը»` ստանալ կրթություն, աշխատել, կազմել ընտանիք, ապահովել բարեկեցություն և այլն: ; В условиях отсутствия государственности именно культура становится системой средств и форм организации жизнедеятельности индивида и общества, следовательно, ее можно охарактеризовать как «проект или программу жизни», в которой определены все важные события, обозначены их временные сроки и способы реализации. Так как отсутствие государственности в истории армянского народа периодически лишало возможности организовать жизнь всего общества по одним и тем же принципам и нормам, то эту функцию брала на себя культура, которая, однако, не могла претендовать на такую всеобщность и обязательность, которая возможна в условиях государства при помощи законов и национальной идеологии. Следовательно, культура могла организовать жизнь человека не в формах большого «мы» (нации или общества), a в малых формах надличностного бытия – семьи, клана, общины. Так как они принадлежат сфере публичного, то таким образом этническая культура обеспечивала самовыражение и самоутверждение личности в публичных отношениях. Надличностное также есть естественное продолжение личностного, следовательно, малые «мы» – семья, клан, община и т.д. являются естественными формами надличностного бытия, сформировавшимися в армянской культуре. Поскольку естественное развитие личности на определенном этапе предполагает выражение социальной сущности человека, то именно через эти формы надличностного бытия происходит адапдация и социализация личности в армянской культуре. Одновременно нужно учитывать, что условия и возможности для формирования и выражения большого «мы» - нации и общества - обеспечивает государство. Продолжительное отсутствие последнего в истории армянского народа привело к тому, что исторически надличностное ограничивалось малыми формами выражения, которые имели и имеют выраженный этнокультурный характер. Парралельно с отсутствием государственности культура доказывала свою жизнеспособность и выполняла этнозащитную функцию, укрепляясь в сознании армян как гарантия духовного существования и развития народа. Несмотря на то, что малые формы надличностного и есть публичные сферы выражения личности, они на самом деле не могут полностью заменить систему социальных отношений и с этой точки зрения могут быть охарактеризованы как симулякры, поскольку являются имитациями социальной жизни, то есть – символами того, чего на самом деле нет. От этого их реальность не уменьшается, наоборот – именно отношениями семей, кланов, родов, друзей и общин формируется социальная реальность армянского общества, особенно если учитывать, что это отношения имеют свое продолжение в сферах экономики и политики, создавая клановую экономику и клановую политику. Таким образом, можно заключить, что в этнопсихологии армян можно выделить три уровня выражения личностного: «я», малое «мы» и большое «мы». Долгое отсутствие государственности, жизнь в инокультурном окружении и постоянная угрозу изгнания и уничтожения оставляли незавершенными процессы формирования больших форм надличностного – нации и общества, и одновременно способствовали тому, чтобы армяне в целях выживания полагались на свое «я» и малые «мы» - семью, род, клан, друзей и общину. Именно благодаря создаваемой ими социальной реальности стало возможным для каждого отдельного человека реализовать программу жизни – получить образование, работу, создать семью, достичь благосостояния и т.д.