Post-Mortem
In: The women's review of books, Band 3, Heft 5, S. 12
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In: The women's review of books, Band 3, Heft 5, S. 12
In: Slavonic and East European review. American series, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 28
In: Slavonic and East European Review: American Series, Band 22, S. 28-40
In: World affairs: a journal of ideas and debate, Band 105, S. 87-95
ISSN: 0043-8200
In: Social studies: a periodical for teachers and administrators, Band 30, Heft 4, S. 157-158
ISSN: 2152-405X
In: American political science review, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 105-110
ISSN: 1537-5943
The re-education of the German people overseen by the victorious allied powers, the inclusion of the causes and consequences of totalitarianism in school curricula and a comprehensive policy of ensuring that the Nazi period remained firmly in the German collective memory were the elements that formed the basis of a viable liberal-democratic post-war consensus in West Germany. Democratic opinions and values progressively took the place of the racist, chauvinistic ideology of the National Socialists, which had proclaimed the superiority of the 'master race' and ultimately led to the outbreak of the Second World War. The most extensive re-education measures were implemented under the American occupation. The Office of Military Government for Germany US (OMGUS) under the US zone's Military Governor General Lucius D. Clay allocated $1.03 million to the education program in the period to 1948, while the amount increased to $48 million between 1949 and 1952 under the Office of the High Commissioner US, Germany (HICOG). In addition, by 1949 rehabilitation programs were already being undertaken in West Germany by more than 50 private American organizations, including the American Council on Education, the labor unions AFL and CIO, the League of Women Voters, and the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations (Rupieper 1996: 200).
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In: Edition Politik Band 150
Rechtspopulismus und Autoritarismus, Auseinandersetzungen um »Identitätspolitik«, die Digitalisierung der öffentlichen Debatte und die Macht von Verschwörungstheorien führen zu tiefgreifenden sozialen, kulturellen und politischen Transformationsprozessen. Für die Untersuchung dieser Transformationen sind die Theorien »des Politischen« und »der radikalen Demokratie« besonders geeignet, da sie die grundsätzliche Fragilität der liberalen Ordnung analysieren. Fraglich ist jedoch, ob die radikaldemokratische Forderung nach einer Disruption der liberalen Ordnung die richtige Antwort auf die beschriebenen Transformationen ist. Die Beiträger*innen unternehmen eine kritische Revision der Theorien des Politischen und erschließen damit das gegenwartsanalytische Potential radikaldemokratischer Ansätze für die 2020er Jahre.