Suchergebnisse

Der Beitrag verknüpft die Platzbesetzungen seit 2011 mit den Betrieben unter Arbeiterkontrolle, die ab 2000 in Lateinamerika und darüber hinaus entstanden, sowie mit Formen kollektiver lokaler Selbstverwaltung. Diesen Praxen sind bei allen Unterschieden grundlegende Charakteristika gemeinsam. Sie konstruieren Räume der Produktion sozialer Alternativen. Ich arbeite die Gemeinsamkeiten heraus und argumentiere, dass sie Teil globaler, nicht-staatszentrierter Transformationsperspektiven sind. Sie machen eine wachsende Tendenz sichtbar, die sich an direkter Demokratie, Selbst-Organisierung und Autonomie orientiert. Entgegen der Kritik der Strategielosigkeit wird gezeigt, dass die Strategie darin besteht, in den selbst produzierten Räumen Elemente der angestrebten Veränderungen zu entwickeln und zu erproben. Die Beteiligten sehen die Praktiken nicht als Nische, sondern als gesamtgesellschaftliche Alternative. Die Praktiken werden via Netzwerke verknüpft und bilden neue räumliche Konfigurationen. ; The article connects the square occupations since 2011 with the workplaces under workers' control, which started to appear in Latin America around 2000 and then spread out from there, and with forms of local self-management. Beyond all differences these practices all build spaces for the production of social alternatives. I point out the shared characteristics and argue that they are part of global non-state-centered perspectives of social transformation. These practices of the new global movements display a growing tendency towards direct democracy, self-organization and autonomy. Contrary to the critique regarding a supposed lack of strategy I show how the strategy consists precisely in experimenting and developing the aspired societal changes in the self-produced spaces. The participants of these practices do not see them as a niche but as an alternative model for the whole of society. The practices are connected among each other through networks and form new spatial configurations.

La gestion des ressources génétiques animales domestiques, et notamment des races locales, est aujourd'hui au cœur d'une actualité renouvelée qui met en question les modes de pilotage des dispositifs coopératifs sur lesquels cette gestion repose et les difficultés de coopération susceptibles de les fragiliser. À partir d'une démarche de recherche-intervention autour de la sélection des races ovines laitières locales des Pyrénées-Atlantiques, cet article identifie différentes dimensions de la coopération pour la gestion de races animales à travers l'étude de la conception, des usages et des effets inattendus des instruments scientifiques, techniques et de gestion conçus pour gérer ces races. Trois dimensions d'analyse sont développées : les tensions entre conception et usages des instruments scientifiques ; les tensions entre évaluation par les instruments scientifiques et évaluation par les éleveurs dans les activités de qualification des animaux ; la variété des stratégies des éleveurs sur le marché de la génétique. Cette approche par l'analyse des usages des instruments permet également de cerner des pistes d'action pour les gestionnaires de ces dispositifs. ; The management of domestic animal genetic resources is a topic of pressing concern given developing trends such as the liberalization of genetic resources markets, the increasing number of patents and intellectual property rights and the withdrawal of governments from the organization and control of breeding activities. Managing territorialized common goods of this nature calls for cooperative mechanisms involving a wider range of actors than so far. How to steer these mechanisms and handle crises in cooperation that can impede them, is crucial tomaintaining biodiversity. This article proposes an analytical framework to analyze and facilitate cooperation in distributed breeding organizations. This framework is the result of an intervention research into breeding organizations for three local breeds ofmilk sheep in theWestern-Pyrenees. By investigating the design and uses of scientific, technical and management instruments on which breeding activities and organization rely, we identified three dimensions to be considered in the analysis of cooperation for animal resources management: a) tensions between the design and uses of scientific instruments for genetic gain achievement; b) tensions between the evaluation of animals using scientific instruments and the evaluation of animals based on breeder know-how in qualifying animal common resources; c) diversity of farmer strategies and functioning of the market for breeding goods and services resulting from the activities conducted in the two previous dimensions (production of genetic gain, qualification of the common resources).

The study of developing areas has, in recent years, caused political science and theory to be increasingly aware of realities of non-Western government and politics. Comparative politics and its theory no longer, therefore, can avoid utilizing the results of the research of anthropologists and ethnologists in a way comparable to the use of historical data if they wish to be comprehensively empirical. Since the political theorist will not, as a rule, be able to become a practising anthropologist, the basic problem of such cooperation turns upon whether the investigating anthropologist asks the crucial, the basic questions in the first place. A broad survey of their reports and writings, such as the Human Relations Area Files afford, shows that this is by no means generally the case. Nor is this easy to achieve, for political scientists and anthropologists differ in their objectives. It has been suggested that the anthropologist is primarily interested in diversity, in how many ways something could be done, whereas for the political scientist and theorist such divergencies are important mainly as they lead to political insight and verifiable generalization.The utility of the writings of anthropologists for the political scientist is seriously impeded by the over-simplified and misleading understanding of the nature of power and authority held by many of them.

AbstractThis article analyzes phenomenon of "migrant schools" and "migrant classes" in schools that began to emerge in the 2010s in Siberian cities of Tomsk and Irkutsk. The study is based on 120 interviews with migrants and 36 express-interviews with parents of children from both local families and those that have migrated from Central Asia, as well as case studies of four schools in these two cities identified as "migrant" by local residents. Despite the ethnic diversity of these Siberian cities where most families themselves descend from migrants from other regions, the local population singles out new migrants from the countries of Central Asia as "others" in the urban space. While school administrations, teachers, and parents reproduce the narratives of tolerance and ethnic diversity, school segregation persists in these cities, manifested, among other things, in the emergence of "migrant" schools and "migrant classes" in schools. This study presents this segregation as an outcome of strategies pursued by school administrators and parents of both local and migrant children. In particular, creation of "migrant" classes in some schools is the school administrators' response to the lack of adaptation programs for migrant children. I conclude that rather than assisting the socialization of migrant children, such schools reproduce their isolation from other pupils, limiting their ability to succeed in the future.

We develop a macroeconomic model where the government does not guarantee to repay debt. We ask whether movements in the prices of government bonds can be rationalized by lender's unwillingness to roll over debt when the outstanding debt level exceeds a government's repayment capacity. Default occurs if a worsening state of the economy leads to a build-up of debt that exceeds the government's ability to repay. Investors are unwilling to engage in a Ponzi game and withdraw lending in this case and thus force default at an endogenously determined fractional repayment rate. Interest rates on government bonds reflect expectations of this event. We analytically show that there exist two equilibrium bond prices. Our numerical analysis shows that, at moderate debt-to-gdp levels, default premia hardly emerge in the low risk equilibrium. High risk premia can either arise at high debt-to-gdp ratios, where even small changes in fundamentals lead to steeply rising interest rates, or as realizations of the high risk equilibrium.

Acknowledgments We are grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their constructive suggestions which helped us to improve the manuscript. We would also like to thank David Babbel, Angela Black, Jordi Caballe, Laurence Copeland, Antonio Diez de los Rios, Kabir Dutta, Javier Gil-Bazo, Lynda Khalaf, Chung-Ming Kuan, Patrick Minford, Francisco Penaranda, Jesper Rangvid, Enrique Sentana and seminar participants at the Universities of Aarhus, Aberdeen, Autonoma de Barcelona, Cardiff, Carlos III de Madrid, Essex, National Central University (Taiwan), National Taiwan University, Pompeu Fabra, Reading and the participants at the 2009 Warsaw International Economic Meeting, 2009 Econometric Society European Meeting Barcelona, 2009 ASSET Istanbul, XVII Foro Finanzas Madrid, XXXIV SAEe Valencia, 5th PhD Meeting of RES London for helpful discussions and comments. ; Peer reviewed ; Postprint ; Postprint

"Ecologies of Gender: Contemporary Nature Relations and the Nonhuman Turn examines the role of gender in recent debates about the nonhuman turn in the humanities, and critically explores the implications for a contemporary theory of gender and nature relations. The interdisciplinary contributions in this volume each provide theoretical reflections based on an analysis of specific naturecultural processes. They reveal how "ecologies of gender" are constructed through aesthetic, epistemological, political, technological and economic practices that shape multispecies and material interrelations as well as spatial and temporal orderings. The volume includes contributions from cultural anthropology, cultural studies, film studies, literary studies, media studies, philosophy, and theatre studies. The essays are organized around four key dimensions of an "ecological" understanding of gender as described above: "creatures", "materials", "spaces" and "temporalities". The overall aim of the volume Ecologies of Gender: Nature Relations and the Nonhuman Turn is to explore the potentialities and limitations of the nonhuman turn for a critical analysis and theory of ecologies of gender, and thereby make an original contribution to both the environmental humanities and gender studies. This book will be of great interest to scholars and students from the interdisciplinary field of the environmental humanities and environmental studies more broadly, as well as from gender studies and cultural theory"--

This study examines why citizens in the Netherlands vote for independent local parties. These are parties that run in municipal council elections, but do not run in elections at higher levels. This article examines a number of expectations: namely that voters vote for these parties out dissatisfaction with established parties, that they do so because they have a 'localist' political orientation or that they do so because their own national party is not running in the municipal elections. More support is found for the idea that voters vote for local parties because they are pushed away by national parties (either because they do not participate in some municipalities or because voters distrust them) than for the idea that voters vote for local parties for positive reasons, such as a localist political orientation. This article examines two surveys concerning voting behaviour in the 2014 Dutch municipal elections.

The author identifies key issues that were judged to be of critical importance to intergovernmental relations at the end of the Reagan administration. Judgments were made by two panels of intergovernmental experts, selected by reputational technique, as part of an exploratory study conducted at the U.S. General Accounting Office. The purpose of the research was to provide data useful for thinking about likely directions of intergovernmental change in the 1990s, thereby updating the literature on key intergovernmental issues. The results suggest that there will be limited change in the direction of a Madisonian middle ground, with some increasing importance of the intergovernmental roles of state and local governments. Given the present pattern of symbolic presidential leadership in intergovernmental relations, the narrowing of the federal grants-in-aid role in domestic affairs is expected to continue.

Abstract
Does today's US–China relationship resemble the bygone rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union? In this article, we suggest that there are some instructive similarities between US–China and US–Soviet relations, but the Cold War analogy works best when the contemporary United States is cast in the role of the historical Soviet Union. Specifically, the United States (1991–present) has in common with the Soviet Union (1945–91) the fact that it occupies a position of near dominance on the Eurasian continent during a prolonged era of relative peace. It was Soviet hegemony in Eastern Europe that gave the bipolar international system of the Cold War era its defining characteristic—that is, a geographic distribution of power assets in Eurasia that the United States and its allies mobilized to resist and overturn. Now, it is US primacy in Eurasia that serves to define the basic contours of the present (if ailing) unipolar international system: a geopolitical configuration that denies any power other than the United States the opportunity to carve out an effective sphere of influence. In short, the legacy forward deployment of US forces shapes the context within which Sino-American relations are unfolding just as the legacy occupation of Eastern Europe by the Soviet Union structured superpower relations during the Cold War.

Personalization refers to a shift over time in attention and/or power from collective actors to individuals. I focus on personalization in voting behavior, measured by the use of preference voting in flexible list-PR systems. I will argue that in a multi-level context this kind of personalization can take place at different policy levels, which could influence each other. In local elections, voters can be attracted by the mayor and/or other local figureheads, but also by the national party leader and/or national politicians figuring on the local list. Therefore, scholars should not only focus on the number and importance of people to which personalization applies ('person level' of personalization), but also on how processes at one policy level impact on other policy levels ('territorial level' of personalization). By combining literature on intra-party competition and personalization on the one hand, and on electoral patterns in multi-level states on the other, I engage in a conceptual discussion about the nature of personalization. I add empirical evidence to this conceptual discussion by analyzing preference voting patterns in local elections in Flanders (Belgium). As such, we gain more insights in the remarkable decline of preference voting that took place there.