Suchergebnisse

The most disruptive change to the world economy over the past half century has been the rise of so-called emerging economies, particularly the large developing markets of China and India. While initially appealing to Western business as lower cost production locations, these economies are now amongst the world's leading markets for the sale of goods and services, as well as a growing competitive challenge to established businesses.This book examines the competitive challenge presented by China and India as they increasingly influence international business activities. It considers their rise

В данной работе изучены особенности энергетической безопасности в Европейском Союзе, рассмотрены проблемы «зависимости» и развития. Особую значимость энергетическая безопасность имеет для стран, не обладающих собственными запасами нефти, природного газа, угля и зависящих от их внешних поставок. Ярким примером таких государств может быть Европейский Союз, импортирующий ресурсы из стран Ближнего Востока, Африки, России, Казахстана и Азербайджана. На протяжении развития международных отношений после Второй мировой войны была весьма заметна зависимость не только европейских государств от энергетической политики, но и остальных государств в целом. Основная проблема, которую неоднократно подчеркивает в своих заявлениях Европейская Комиссия проблема энергетической зависимости от российского импорта. Причем ЕС рассматривает в данном вопросе Россию, как страну склонную использовать энергетику в качестве инструмента политического давления и именно по этой причине, ведутся разработки по скорейшему уходу от этой зависимости. ; In this work the peculiarities of energy security in the European Union, considers the problems of "dependency" and development. The special importance of energy security for countries that lack their own reserves of oil, natural gas, coal and dependent on their external supply. A striking example of such States could be the European Union, which imports resources from countries in the Middle East, Africa, Russia, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan. Throughout the development of international relations after the Second world war was very visible dependence of European States on energy policy, but other States in General. The main problem, which repeatedly emphasizes in its statements the European Commission the problem of energy dependence on Russian imports. Moreover, the EU is considering this issue in Russia, as the country is prone to use energy as a tool of political pressure and it is for this reason, being developed for the early departure from this dependence.

Europe and Defence: Does France still Have an Ambition for it?, by Gilles ANDRÉANI
After 50 years under the aegis of the United States, Europe has begun seriously, through the European Councils at Saint-Malo and Helsinki, to take over its own defence. This evolution was made possible by the end of the cold war, the warming of relations between London and Paris on transatlantic relations, and, finally, through the priority given to military capabilities, the key to independence on defence matters. But, after September 11 and the reaffirmation of the US hegemony on the international scene, a European defence policy must confront a major issue: does Europe want and can it become a genuine international player, capable of standing up to the challenges of global security? By proposing a transatlantic and European solidarity project that allows a European defence policy to coexist along side the US hyperpower, France will be able to play a once again a leading role on the old continent.

Les années 1990 auront changé la donne des relations franco-britanniques : la mise en œuvre de plusieurs coopérations militaires, puis l'épreuve du feu vécue côte à côte par les deux pays dans les Balkans, en ont été parmi les facteurs les plus décisifs. On note également, dans la seconde moitié des années 1990, un rapprochement plus politique entre deux visions du monde, jusqu'alors difficilement conciliables : sur le rôle de l'Union européenne (à Saint-Malo en 1998) comme sur les relations à entretenir avec les États-Unis, mais aussi sur d'autres dossiers — l'Afrique par exemple —, Paris et Londres ont entamé un « partenariat global » qui les a conduits à cultiver ensemble le réflexe de la déclaration commune ou du « tour d'horizon à deux » de l'actualité internationale. Toutefois, le risque d'isolement encouru aujourd'hui par la France sur la scène internationale, et plus encore au sein de l'Union européenne, pourrait incommoder le pragmatisme britannique et faire douter la Grande-Bretagne de l'intérêt objectif de cette nouvelle « Entente cordiale ».

THE POSITION THAT "STICKS AND STONES WILL BREAK MY BONES BUT WORDS ALONE WON'T HURT ME" MAY NOT HAVE HIGH MORAL STANDING, BUT IT IS SURELY ONE OF THE MAJOR CONSIDERATIONS IN MANY A GOVERNMENT'S INTERNATIONAL TRANSACTIONS. AS PROFESSOR GOLDMAN ARGUES HERE, THE SOVIET UNION FELT FREE TO INVADE AFGHANISTAN IN DECEMBER 1979 BECAUSE IT EXPECTED NO SERIOUS RESISTANCE-BEYOND WORDS AND SYMBOLS OF DISAPPROVALFROM THE UNITED STATES OR ANY OTHER CONCERNED NATION. IN THIS CONTEXT, THE SOVIET LEADERS MAY HAVE THOUGHT THAT IT WOULD BE FOOLISH NOT TO TAKE THE OPPORTUNITY OF GAINING PHYSICAL PROXIMITY TO THE PERSIAN GULFREGION WITH ITS VAST OIL RESOURCES, OR NOT TO BOLSTER A NEW CLIENT REGIME IN KABUL IN DANGER OF BEING OVERTHROWN BY ITS DOMESTIC ANTICOMMUNIST OPPONENTS.

Many scholars, policy-makers, & activists have argued that contemporary global economic arrangements are unfair or unjust. But precisely what does that mean? This article addresses that question by sketching three different models of international economic justice. Further, these models are matched with economic theories & data, in an effort to bring greater clarity & analytical rigor to normative debates. Tables. Adapted from the source document.

During the past decade, we have witnessed a transformation in the role played by China in international climate negotiations, which has provoked increasing academic and policy interest. While most of the current research focuses on normative or empirical analyses of policies, this article provides a comprehensive study of China's climate strategic narratives on both the systematic and national levels. Theoretically, this article situates itself in the 'narrative turn' in international relations. We develop an analytical framework that combines theoretical insights stemming from the strategic narrative with our own identification of the unique features of China's discourse context. We apply this to China's climate strategic narratives by examining China's climate 'discourse coalition', which consists of the government, the epistemic community, and the official media. In doing so, we add to the current research that mainly focuses on the mass media. Methodologically, we critically examine four different sources of China's climate strategic narratives, ranging from leaders' speeches to media reports. This data is triangulated with 21 semi-structured interviews. Overall, we identify three phases of China's climate strategic narratives. On a system level, the strict division between developed and developing countries has been replaced by the narrative of 'a community of a shared future of mankind'; while on the national level, China as the victim of 'ecological imperialism' has given way to the new 'torchbearer' narrative. This research also contributes to a broader understanding on China's domestic politics and its position in global governance. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

"Countering Global Terrorism and Insurgency: Calculating the Risk of State Failure in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iraq" explores issues of terrorism and insurgency in relation to the process of state failure. It focuses on the current trend of religious extremism as a means of understanding and re-thinking the debates around the connections between terrorism and insurgency and state failure. Using the case studies of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iraq it examines the underlying causes and conditions necessary for terrorism and insurgency to occur, while countering the common perception that state failure is the central cause. Underhill presents a better understanding of the concepts of terrorism, insurgency and state failure on an individual and comparative level, and analyses more deeply the underlying issues affecting the world's most active terrorist and insurgent hotspots: Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iraq

1. Leading on 'Values'?: American Liberal Internationalism, 1918-2022, Tony Smith -- 2. Who Recognizes? US Nuclear Diplomacy and the Conferral of Legitimacy, Sidra Hamidi -- 3. US Leadership in Cyberspace in the Age of Great Power Competition, Frédérick Douzet and Stéphane Taillat -- 4. Defining Strategy and Maintaining Allies for Great Power Competition: Independent Leadership in the Department of Defense, Michael Stricof -- 5. Competing for Leadership: Europe's Choices in the Sino-American Geo-economic Rivalry , Josef Braml -- 6. Leader, Regulatory Laggard? Washington and the Shifting Governance of Digital Trade, Jean-Baptiste Velut -- 7. Can the United States Lead on Climate? A Realist Perspective on US Climate Leadership, Jean-Daniel Collomb -- 8. "We Will Remain a Pacific Power": America's Self-Proclaimed Destiny in the Asia-Pacific Region, Robert J. McMahon -- 9. The Never-Ending Problem: The Middle East in US policy, Marina Ottaway -- 10. What is Left of US Leadership in the Americas?, Isabelle Vagnoux.

Collecting and synthesizing a series of essays on the political economy of trade and development policy, this book explores the following research questions: to what extent is the global trading regime reducing the ability of nation states to pursue policies for financial stability and economic growth; and what political factors explain such changes in policy space over time, across different types of trade treaties and across nations?