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Despite losing nearly 100 seats, Labour managed to increase its percentage of women MPs in parliament due to the success of all women shortlists (AWS). However, 35 AWS candidates were defeated. So was Labour penalised where it stood AWS candidates or was any backlash symptomatic of Labour's electoral predicament or the result of being a new candidate in a seat? Here we examine whether AWS candidates fared worse than other Labour candidates in the 2010 general election. Our findings suggest that AWS candidates suffered from being new candidates. Both AWS and non-AWS candidates in Labour-held seats fared significantly better than AWS and new candidates in non-held seats. But there was no significant difference in support between AWS and new non-AWS candidates standing in incumbent seats or between AWS and new candidates in non-held Labour seats. Put simply, there was no anti-AWS effect, even after taking account of incumbency status, in the 2010 general election. © 2012 Political Studies Association.

The fight against terrorism is a contemporary concern shared in state diplomacy, though no such common definition exists in international affairs. From an organizational approach, senior civil servants of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs are thought to share a global vision on terrorist violence and a savoir-faire that should allow them to make effective decisions in their efforts to prevent and fight against it. However, in a constructivist approach, the war on terrorism draws its inspiration from inter-subjective relations that activate a set of belief systems or different Operational Codes (OPCODES). These beliefs systems, though dependent French diplomats' background (Ecole Nationale d'Administration (ENA) or the Concours d'Orient), contribute to their decision making process. Thus, these beliefs play a role in the way decision makers see the world, the enemy, but also as to how they perceive themselves in their duties. These pre-existing beliefs which have been forged through personal experiences and commitments are responsible for shaping a decision making process that is not solely based on security concerns. They are in fact, also determined by material, emotional, cognitive and moral motivations for a state such as that of France ; La lutte contre le terrorisme est une préoccupation contemporaine des diplomaties, alors que sa définition internationale demeure introuvable. Dans une approche organisationnelle, les hauts fonctionnaires du ministère français des Affaires étrangères partageraient une vision commune sur la violence terroriste et un « savoir-faire » qui leur permettraient de prendre des décisions efficaces pour la prévenir et la combattre. Or, dans une approche constructiviste, la lutte contre le terrorisme relève de relations intersubjectives comprenant l'activation de systèmes de croyances ou Operational Codes (OPCODES) différents, selon que les diplomates français viennent de l'ENA ou du Concours d'Orient. Ces croyances jouent un rôle dans la façon que les hauts fonctionnaires voient ...

Contributors -- Preface -- Introduction The Great Globalisation Disruption: Democracy, Capitalism, and Inequality in the Industrialised World, Patrick Diamond -- Part I. Taking Stock - the Rise of the New Populism. 1. Globalisation and the New Populism, Andrew Gamble ; 2. The Backlash Against Globalisation and the Future of the International Economic Order, Jeffry Frieden ; 3. Populist Political Communication Going Mainstream? The Influence of Populist Parties on Centre-Left Parties in Western Europe, Patricia Rodi ; 4. Europeans and Globalisation: Does the EU Square the Circle?, Silvia Merler ; 5. How can Social Democratic Parties in Government Deal with the Consequences of Globalisation?, Manuel de la Rocha -- Part II. Brexit, Populism and the Future of the European Union. 6. Brexit and Globalisation: Collateral Damage or an Accident Waiting to Happen?, Loukas Tsoukalis ; 7. The EU in Crises: Brexit, Populism and the Future of the Union, Dimitris Tsarouhas ; 8. Brexit: A Consequence of Globalisation or a Case of British Exceptionalism?, Roger Liddle -- Part III. What is to be Done? Domestic and International Policies to Deal with Globalisation. 9. Where Might the Next Generation of Progressive Ideas and Programmes Come From? Contemporary Discontents, Future Possibilities for Europe, Vivien A. Schmidt ; 10. Globalisation as a Losing Game? Reforming Social Policies to Address the Malaise of Globalisation's Losers, Lorenza Antonucci ; 11. Social Investment Beyond Lip-Service, Anton Hemerijck and Robin Huguenot-Noel ; 12. Addressing Global Inequality: Is the EU Part of the Equation?, Frank Vandenbroucke ; 13. Social Democracy in an Era of Automation and Globalisation, Jane Gingrich Postscript, Patrick Diamond.

Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Chapter 1 A Summary Analysis of the Globalization's Dynamism -- Growing Western Protectionism -- Will There Be a Stop to or Slowdown of Globalization? -- The Promoters of Globalization -- Globalization: The United States and China -- Could Domestic Politics and Pursuit of National Interests Derail Globalization? -- Summary -- Chapter 2 Globalization: Drivers and Effects -- Comparative Advantage: Revisited -- Simplified Version of the Theory of Comparative Advantage -- Drivers of Globalization -- Effects of Globalization -- An Assessment of the Benefits Claims -- Losses or Costs of Globalization -- Brexit -- The Trump Effect -- Rising Populism and Protectionism in Europe -- The Unexpected Consequences of Globalization: China's Economic Rise and Its Global Impact -- Chapter 3 History of Globalization: European Colonization and Bretton Woods -- The Chinese Factor -- European Colonization -- The Road to Bretton Woods -- Bretton Woods Conference, 1944 -- Bretton Woods in the Post War World II Era-Need a Rethink? -- The Nixon Shock -- Bretton Woods-Need a Rethink? -- Summary -- Chapter 4 Bretton Woods International Trade and Financial Organizations -- The International Monetary Fund -- IMF Governance Architecture -- Effects of IMF Loan Conditionality and Governance -- Case Study One: The Argentina Case -- Case Study Two: The Thai Case -- Questions on IMF Washington Consensus Loan Conditionality -- Will the IMF Reform to Better Serve Developing Nations? -- Inclusion of the Yuan into the Special Drawing Rights Basket -- IMF Share Structure and Voting Rights -- The World Bank Group -- Criticisms of the World Bank Group -- The Marshall Plan -- Criticism of the Marshall Plan -- Market Distortion -- Upheld Western Imperialism or Global Dominance -- The Asian Development Bank -- Summary

Examines issues critical to Pakistan's position in the international community, its development of atomic weapons, relations with India, the Kashmir problem, Afghanistan, religious militancy, ethnicity, democracy, and relations with the US.

Außenpolitische Souveränität ist ein Mittel zum Zweck, sein Umfeld so mitzugestalten, dass es den eigenen Werten und dem eigenen Interesse an Frieden, Sicherheit, Wohlfahrt und Partizipation auf internationaler Ebene zuträglich ist. Maßstab dafür, wie souverän ein Akteur agieren kann, ist die Souveränitätstriade: die Ausstattung mit Machtressourcen, die Wirksamkeit ihres Einsatzes und der Grad der eigenen Verwundbarkeit durch Abhängigkeit von anderen. Am wichtigsten ist Macht: Wer mehr Macht hat, hat mehr Chancen, ein günstiges Umfeld zu erwirken. Darin liegt der Wert der Kollektivmacht der EU: Sie bietet ihren Mitgliedstaaten ein Maß an Souveränität, das ihnen als Einzelmacht verwehrt ist. Wie souverän die EU sein kann, hängt von den Mitgliedstaaten ab. Der nationalstaatliche Primat beschränkt europäische Souveränität, aber wo die Grenze liegt, ist nicht vorherbestimmt. Die Inventur des Ist-Zustands weist erhebliche Souveränitätsdefizite bei Sicherheit, Wohlfahrt und Partizipation aus. Am schwersten wiegt Europas Unfähigkeit zur Selbstverteidigung. Voll souverän kann nur sein, wer sich selbst verteidigen kann. Die Wirksamkeit, mit der Europa seine Machtressourcen einsetzt, bleibt hinter dem Möglichen zurück, befördert durch die Erosion der Rechtsstaatlichkeit und die Vetomacht einzelner oder kleiner Gruppen. Aus dem defizitären Ist-Zustand lässt sich eine Agenda für ein souveränes Europa ableiten. Sie braucht Fürsprecher und Führung. Deutschland und Frankreich können es nicht allein, aber europäische Souveränität kann nur gelingen, wenn sie durch Vorbild führen. (Autorenreferat)