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How do we prepare an increasingly diverse generation of Americans for full participation in public life? Drawing on lessons from students and teachers in Chicago, 'The Color of Civics' reimagines the democratic purpose of civic education. Matthew D. Nelsen presents a new approach to civic education that aims to foster political empowerment, increase rates of intended political participation among young people of color, and heighten political empathy among white youth.

In 1977, Charles Lindblom concluded his study of Politics and Markets with the assertion that "the large private corporation fits oddly into democratic theory and vision. Indeed, it does not fit." In 1983, Robert Reich envisioned The Next American Frontier as the eradication of the distinction between business culture and civic culture in the United States and the full integration of the corporation into the country's key political and social processes. Failure to achieve such a new political-economic compact could mean, Reich asserted, the end of democracy's progress in America. Between Lindblom and Reich lie six short years in time and one vast gulf in political theory and policy perspective. Their positions set the framework for a whole series of political choices confronting American politics today. They also set an agenda for political science as a discipline that studies power, authority, and social change—an agenda calling for an expansion of both intellectual focus and analytical paradigms.Differences between the purposes and contents of Lindblom's and Reich's studies can be cited, of course. Politics and Markets presents itself as a scholarly work in the theory of political economy, whereas The Next American Frontier has a definite prescriptive flavor designed to influence current political debate. But such differences do not obscure the important element shared by the two books: recognition of the power and position of large corporations as the determining factor in the political-economic future of liberal democracy. Generated from this are several critical questions both authors confront: What is the purpose of public power and that of private economic power in advanced industrial societies today? What should be the relationship between the two as regards the preservation of liberal democracy? What is that relationship when the large corporation is taken into account? What redirection of corporate power is necessary or possible? What blending of corporate institutions and political institutions does liberal democracy allow—or demand?

Contents -- Acknowledgement -- Chapter One: Problem, Purpose, Plan -- Chapter Two: James Coleman: Educational Policy for Youth and High Schools -- Chapter Three: Eli Ginzberg: Manpower and Human Resources Policy -- Chapter Four: Morris Janowitz: Military Institutions, the Draft, and the Volunteer Army -- Chapter Five: Joseph A. Pechman: Comprehensive Income Taxation -- Chapter Six: Merton J. Peck: Deregulation of the Transportation Industry -- Chapter Seven: Peter Rossi: Unemployment Insurance Payments and Recidivism Among Released Prisoners

Cover -- Contents -- List of Entries -- Introduction -- Contributor List -- Foundations and Background of U.S. Government -- Civil Rights and Civic Responsibilities -- Political Participation -- Legislative Branch -- Executive Branch -- Judicial Branch -- Public Policy -- State and Local Government -- International Politics and Economics -- Bibliography -- Appendices -- Declaration of Independence -- Articles of Confederation -- The Constitution of the United States of America -- Bill of Rights -- Other Amendments to the Constitution.

Higher education today faces the challenges of adaptation to the Internet communications revolution, scarcer resources, greater variability in the student population, & changing labor markets. This makes it more difficult for academics to balance their roles as teachers, researchers, & administrators. In Europe, the Sorbonne & Bologna declarations pertaining to higher education offer new opportunities for higher education, especially in political science. The key objectives of these declarations -- a two-tier degree structure (undergraduate & graduate), a credit system, & the promotion of student & teacher mobility -- are reviewed. The declarations are not ideal, because student mobility has problems due to credit transfer, costs for poorer students, & excessive bureaucracy. Differing quality & standards across universities are another issue. In political science, key concepts & standard curricula need to be coordinated; the work of the Thematic Network in Political Science to this end is described. References. M. Pflum

Ecological restoration has taken on a new significance in the face of climate change and biodiversity loss. Despite its growing policy salience, however, the social and political sciences have paid limited attention to the study of ecological restoration policy and practice. By drawing upon the political science study of multilevel governance, institutions, power relations, and place-based politics, a flavour is given of what a political science engagement might contribute to the rich tapestry of analysis that has already been produced by other disciplines on ecological restoration. As the use of restoration grows, it is increasingly likely that it will give rise to social dispute and be brought into conflict with a variety of environmental, cultural, economic, and community interests. Restoration policy and projects encounter professional and institutional norms as well as place-specific interests and values. There is urgent need to investigate how and in what ways some interests become winners and others losers in these activities, and how this in turn can influence ecological restoration outcomes. A political science lens could help build new criteria for evaluating the success of ecological restoration, ones that combine both process- and product-driven considerations. Adapted from the source document.