Suchergebnisse

As a result of long-term accession process Russia became WTO member, which stipulates adequate analyze of relevant consequences both for Russia and its bilateral relations with trade partners. Taking into consideration the fact, that EU is Russia's main trade partner and significant role of customs issues in ensuring smooth trade flows across the border, author provides legal assessment of Russia WTO accession influence on Russia-EU customs cooperation legal base. Author comes to the conclusion that due to trade, but not customs nature WTO addresses customs to prevent it from being obstacle to trade. Besides, during accession process Russia in general provided correspondence of its legislation to WTO norms. For example, Russia-EU customs cooperation is based on WTO norms from the date of Partnership and Cooperation Agreement entering into force, in which included references on General Agreement on Tariff and Trade. These facts minimize Russia WTO accession influence on the process of Russia-EU customs cooperation legal base construction. At the same time author proves Russia-EU customs cooperation instrument fruitfulness in elimination of risks arising from Russia WTO accession. Such instruments will support effective customs administration without unreasonable interference in trade flows, including within WTO. At the same time it will be important factor for economic, national security as well as for increase of investment attractiveness of Russia.

Ryzhkov, V.: Why Europe? - S. 7-15. Benediktov, K.: Russian security in the context of EU enlargement. - S. 16-23. Rykhtik, M.: Russia-Eu: new opportunities or old wine in new bottles? - S. 24-30. Akulshina, A.: Building Europe: lessons for Russia. - S. 31-37. Suslov, D.: Russia and the Baltic. - S. 38-46. Karabeshkin, L.: The Kaliningrad puzzle: means or end? - S. 47-54. Reut, O.: Euroregion Karelia: more feeling then substance. - S. 55-62. Smirnov, D.: Lipetsk: the third way .. leading where? - S. 63-68. Ivanova, T.: Russia won't notice EU enlargement. - S. 69-73. Potemkina, O.: Reason or political kitsch? - S. 74-77

The article argues that Russia as a "Eurasian civilization", precisely as a "Eurasian" one, is the only civilization in the world. In the process of civilizational-Eurasian genesis, the historical synthesis of the "Western" (European) and "Eastern" (Asian) principles, expressed in its special value genome, is performed in it. Due to the "cold" climate in the Eurasian territory occupied by Russia, it is the highest energy-cost civilization and, therefore, — a civilization with the dominant role of the cooperation law. The Russian people, due to the peculiarity of their value aspirations, which F. M. Dostoevsky defined as "all-humanity", became the founder of Russian civilization and the bearer of polyethnic cooperation (the Russian super-ethnos according to L. N. Gumilyov). As a "civilization of the Truth", Russia is called upon to become a leader in the implementation of the noospheric strategy of mankind ecological survival, outside of which ecological destruction awaits them in the 21st century.

SUMMARY: This is an account of a visit to Moscow in May 1994 to assess the possibilities for collaboration in developing child welfare services in Russia. The authors argue that the present situation is a critical one for millions of children, and that there is an urgent need for practical and theoretical assistance from Britain.

The relationship between democracy and the economy has always been contested terrain. In Russia, many people, including intellectuals, do not see democracy as important to economic reconstruction. They are unconcerned by President Vladimir Putin's steady elimination of the content, if not the form, of democratic institutions. Defending his near-monopoly of Russian television, Putin claimed that Russians want to know the truth, not its many variations. He has been buying up media, arresting politicians and businessmen who challenge him, substituting appointed for elected local officials, and bringing the judiciary under executive control. In fact, many Russians attribute the country's current economic growth to the order that Putin has imposed. Western criticism of Putin stokes a nationalistic pride.

The word 'democracy' has predominantly negative connotations when referring to its practical implementation in Russia. However, Russians are favourable to the idea of democracy in principle, and support the establishment of genuine democracy in the country. Beliefs that elections ensure accountability of elected officials, allow public input on the policy direction of government, and give personal benefits to individuals would help to increase acceptance of the value of Russian democracy. A combination of factors, however, makes it doubtful that the current negative attitudes can be overcome quickly.

This essay seeks to assess (1) the likelihood that the Russian Federation will collapse in the foreseeable future and (2) the possible forms that such a dissolution might take. The latter question is extremely important, since it may determine whether a fragmented Russia would join the EU or bring the world its second nuclear war. Finally, we seek (3) to offer some preliminary advice for policy makers (Russian and Western) and political scientists studying the issue. The following section launches our study with a discussion of some methodological issues involved in assessing future developments through political science theory and accumulated 'historical wisdom'. The next section examines the 'lessons' to be drawn from the collapse of the USSR and extrapolates them to today's Russia. The essay then turns to a section discussing the need to 'expect the unexpected', to go beyond the important exercise of empirical extrapolation to consider other theoretically possible scenarios of dissolution. The concluding section steps back to offer a tentative evaluation of the probabilities of different scenarios. It also offers some preliminary recommendations to policy makers.

This essay seeks to assess (1) the likelihood that the Russian Federation will collapse in the foreseeable future and (2) the possible forms that such a dissolution might take. The latter question is extremely important, since it may determine whether a fragmented Russia would join the EU or bring the world its second nuclear war. Finally, we seek (3) to offer some preliminary advice for policy makers (Russian and Western) and political scientists studying the issue. The following section launches our study with a discussion of some methodological issues involved in assessing future developments through political science theory and accumulated 'historical wisdom'. The next section examines the 'lessons' to be drawn from the collapse of the USSR and extrapolates them to today's Russia. The essay then turns to a section discussing the need to 'expect the unexpected', to go beyond the important exercise of empirical extrapolation to consider other theoretically possible scenarios of dissolution. The concluding section steps back to offer a tentative evaluation of the probabilities of different scenarios. It also offers some preliminary recommendations to policy makers.

Renewable sources of energy play a marginal role in Russia. This will change little in the coming years. Moscow is putting its betting merely on the development of large hydroelectric power stations - but even more so on new nuclear and coal power plants. In addition, selected plants that run on other 'non-traditional' renewable energies are to be connected to the national grid. The equipping of independent plants so that they may use renewable energy sources that could replace or at least supplement the electricity generated by diesel generators or coal power plants remains subject to the initiative of local and regional authorities. The same goes for the joint production of electricity and heat in small installations where renewable energy sources can also be used. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractBy mid‐1996, restrictive fiscal and monetary policies have brought lower inflation and exchange rate stability to Russia. The mass privatization was an apparent success although it contributed to an unclear ownership structure and weak corporate governance. The production decline continues and the structure of the Russian economy has been deteriorating. The popular dissatisfaction with the drop in living standards is reflected by a deep split in society, despite Mr. Yeltsin's victory in the presidential elections. As in the recent past, the new government will continue with 'stop‐and‐go' reform policies, probably with a stronger accent on the protection of domestic producers, legal reforms and economic growth. Because of serious structural and institutional distortions, the Russian economy is more likely to stagnate than to grow strongly in the near future.

The Western medical profession's knowledge concerning the development of Soviet medicine during the preceding two decades 1s ~ost meager. This situation may be attributed to scvct;al factors. First, there was a paucity of pertinent material available for study during this period due to the r~tri~tions imposed upon the exchange of sc1ent1fic data between Russia and \\'cstcm Nations. In addition, as a result o( the exigencies of war and politics, the . inter· change of competent and interested obse.Vers was reduced to an insignificant number. Furthermore, the lack of Western scientific personnel familiar with the Russian language limited the significance of the few Russian scientific journals which were available. And finally, the deficiencies of Russian medicine evident during the initial years of Soviet rule may have minimized the value of any further exchange.