Abstract Latin America has been severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, prompting its governments to take action. In this context, countries within Latin America have used their armed forces for an array of tasks to serve citizens. But how militarized is the response to COVID-19 in Latin America? This paper proposes a typology of tasks provided by the armed forces as a response to COVID-19. The descriptive findings allow us to map these tasks, attributing scores to the fourteen Latin American democracies. We also show evidence for the potential consequences of some tasks. Policing the streets to enforce stay-at-home orders may lead to the military committing human rights violations, assuming eminently civilian posts to manage the public health crisis can result in long term implications for the civil-military balance that are detrimental to the democratic control over the military.
This essay analyzes the primary political and economic interests of China in Latin America, taking into account the Chinese investments in strategic sectors in Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina and Ecuador as a focal point. The essay reaches three conclusions: first, the growth of China's influence in the region was made possible by the political withdrawal of the United States; second, China's growing need to supply its raw material industries; and third, the generation of debtors that would be linked to China for many years. ; Este ensayo analiza los intereses políticos y económicos primarios de China en América Latina, tomando en cuenta como punto focal las inversiones chinas en los sectores estratégicos en Venezuela, Brasil, Argentina y Ecuador. El ensayo llega a tres conclusiones: primera, el crecimiento de la influencia de China en la región fue posible por el retiro político de los Estados Unidos; segunda, la creciente necesidad de China de suministrar a sus industrias de materias primas; y, tercera, la generación de deudores que estarían vinculados a China por muchos años. ; Este ensaio analisa os principais interesses políticos e econômicos da China na América Latina, tendo como ponto focal os investimentos chineses em setores estratégicos na Venezuela, Brasil, Argentina e Equador. O ensaio chega a três conclusões: primeiro, o crescimento da influência da China na região foi possibilitado pela retirada política dos Estados Unidos; segundo, a necessidade crescente da China de fornecer matérias-primas às suas indústrias; e, terceiro, a geração de devedores que ficariam vinculados à China por muitos anos.
This article analyzes the links between the first travel accounts of the New World and the production of cartographic images of America in Guillaume Le Testu'sCosmographie Universelle(1556). Produced in 1556 and dedicated to Admiral of France Gaspard de Coligny, the Norman pilot's manuscript atlas was created in the context of growing French colonial interest inTerra Brasilis. The transposition of America's founding narratives into cartographic images as presented in Le Testu'sCosmographieis interpreted here as an act of translationlato sensu. The translation of the continent's travel accounts in the strictest sense of the word, and the adaptation of New World information to new audiences and political contexts are also examined in the analysis of this manuscript nautical atlas. ; El artículo analiza el vínculo entre los primeros relatos de viaje al Nuevo Mundo y la producción de imágenes cartográficas sobre América en laCosmografía Universaldel piloto normando Guillaume Le Testu. Dedicado al Almirante de Francia Gaspard de Coligny en 1556, el atlas manuscrito se produjo en un contexto de auge de los proyectos colonizadores franceses enTerra Brasilis. La transposición de los relatos fundacionales americanos en imágenes cartográficas tal como se presenta en el caso de Le Testu es interpretada como un acto de traducción en sentido amplio. A su vez, la traducción de los relatos de viaje en sentido estricto y la adaptación de las informaciones americanas a nuevos públicos y contextos políticos completan el estudio del atlas náutico manuscrito.
Antibiotics revolutionized modern medicine and have been an excellent tool to fight infections. However, their overuse and misuse in different human activities such as health care, food production and agriculture has resulted in a global antimicrobial resistance crisis. Some regions such as Latin America present a more complex scenario because of the lack of resources, systematic studies and legislation to control the use of antimicrobials, thus increasing the spread of antibiotic resistance. This review aims to summarize the state of environmental antibiotic resistance in Latin America, focusing on water resources. Three databases were searched to identify publications on antimicrobial resistance and anthropogenic activities in relation to natural and artificial water ecosystems. We found that antibiotic resistant bacteria, mainly against beta lactam antibiotics, have been reported in several Latin American countries, and that resistant bacteria as well as resistant genes can be isolated from a wide variety of aquatic environments, including drinking, surface, irrigation, sea and wastewater. It is urgent to establish policies and regulations for antibiotic use to prevent the increase of multi-drug resistant microorganisms in the environment.
Gender equity in education is one of the main targets for social justice and sustainable development. This literature review, from a gender approach, was conducted to understand how the gender digital divide (GDD) in information and communication technologies (ICT) and education are related in Latin American countries. A total of 28 articles have been analyzed as a satisfactory sample of the scientific literature to examine how this relation is explored and its influence, to acknowledge political stakeholders, as well as provide information and proposals to address the digital gender divide in education research in this region. The results show the need to develop research from the pedagogical and gender perspectives in Latin America, since they are not represented within an obvious problem.
The last few years have led the United States to a national recognition of race and racism that has not been seen in this country for nearly 50 years. Law schools, as part of higher educational institutions around the country, are recognizing not only their potential contribution to the racist society in which we live, but, importantly, the role they can play in addressing and overcoming such racism and its effects. The Color of Law, A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America provides an important framework for understanding and action to become problem-solvers and teach problem-solving.
International audience ; In South America, public policies take a strong interest in alternative technologies to agricultural chemical inputs (pesticides and fertilisers). Some South American countries support biological inputs, also known as bioinputs, through national incentive programmes and regulatory changes. Argentina, Brazil and Colombia are playing a leading role. However, the intention behind this promotion of bioinputs is not to break with industrial agricultural production models, from which States derive a large part of their tax income through exports. Rather, the goal is to foster coexistence between chemical and biological inputs in the context of a transition towards the bioeconomy. In this sense, the promotion of bioinputs meets the expectations of many South American farmers, as well as those of the agricultural inputs industry, which over the last few decades has diversified into these technologies. But these industrial dynamics are counter to certain farmers' movements that defend on-farm production of biological inputs.
Este artículo analiza el proceso de privatización de aeropuertos en Argentina y México. Hasta la liberalización aerocomercial iniciada en 1978, los sistemas aeroportuarios estuvieron bajo el control estatal, con propiedad y gestión pública en la mayor parte de los países. En América Latina el corolario de la liberalización fue el inicio de un proceso de cambio en la gestión de las infraestructuras más tardío. Los aeropuertos fueron mayoritariamente concesionados a partir de la oleada de privatizaciones y desregulaciones que recorrió el continente desde 1990. Los casos de Argentina y México muestran dos mecanismos de concesión paralelos, con características similares en varios aspectos, pero con impactos diferentes. En el primero la privatización aeroportuaria se saldó con un fracaso relativo para el conjunto del sistema, con un balance poco positivo para el Estado. En el caso mexicano, con un sistema de concesión mediante el reparto geográfico del territorio, manteniendo el aeropuerto de la capital bajo gestión pública, han generado aumento de los ingresos públicos, permitiendo un aumento significativo de la oferta y la competencia entre aerolíneas comerciales. ; This article analyzes the privatization of airports in Argentina and Mexico. Until the liberalization of the air transport industry, which began in 1978, airport systems were under state control and, in most countries, were publicly owned and managed. In Latin America, the corollary of liberalization was the launch of a later process of change in management of the infrastructure. Most airports were concessioned in the wave of privatizations and deregulation that swept the continent as from 1990. The cases of Argentina and Mexico represent two parallel concession mechanisms, with some similar characteristics, but different impacts. In the former, airport privatization proved a relative failure for the system as a whole, with a not very positive outcome for the state. In Mexico, where the concession system was based on geographical distribution of the territory and the capital's airport remained under public management, government revenues increased, permitting a significant increase in services and competition between commercial airlines.
Abstrak Sejarah mencatat sentimen rasial yang tertuang dalam produk undang-undang Amerika Serikat seperti Chinese Exclusion Act 1882, pada masanya turut menyasar para imigran dan warga keturunan Jepang. Beragam tindakan kekerasan verbal maupun fisik dan diskriminasi dialami imigran Asia, dalam konteks ini Cina dan Jepang, ketika itu. Lebih lanjut, merebaknya Covid-19 dalam kurun dua tahun ini kembali memunculkan masalah sosial serupa bagi komunitas imigran dan warga keturunan Asia, termasuk Jepang. Isu berhembus memojokan para pendatang dan warga keturunan Asia sebagai tertuduh pembawa virus Covid-19. Dengan demikian, aksi-aksi rasis, diskriminatif, dan xenophobic terrekam pada dua konteks waktu yang berbeda. Dengan mengumpulkan data-data melalui metode studi pustaka dan kemudian mengolahnya, diketahui terdapat perbedaan dan kesamaan fenomena di tengah sentimen-sentimen yang menarget imigran maupun warga keturunan Jepang di Amerika. Perbedaan yang dimaksud merujuk pada aspek pemicu. Pada masa-masa awal kedatangannya, sentimen terhadap imigran Jepang di Amerika Serikat dipicu oleh masalah kesempatan kerja dan kecurigaan bernuansa politik. Sementara itu, pada kurun waktu pandemi Covid-19 sentimen anti-Asian dipicu oleh isu penyebaran virus Covid-19. Di sisi lain, terdapat kesamaan dalam munculnya sentimen-setimen anti-Asian dulu dan kini yaitu tersebarnya informasi palsu dan provokatif, merebaknya prasangka dan diskriminasi rasial, adanya peran tokoh publik dalam menyebarkan kebencian, dan adanya kebijakan hukum yang diambil oleh otoritas untuk merespon isu terkait. Kata Kunci: Amerika Serikat, Jepang, Imigran, Xenophobia, Covid-19 AbstractChinese Exclusion Act of 1882, which was one of the US Federal Laws restricting immigration, was meant to target Chinese immigrants at that time. Being among the Asian communities in the US, the Japanese immigrants were unsurprisingly affected. Racial discrimination and hatred began to arise as the implementation of the law was going on. Various acts of verbal and physical violence suffered by the Asian (Chinese and Japanese) immigrants at that time. Further, the outbreak of Covid-19 in the past two years has raised similar social problems for the immigrant communities and people of Asian descent including Japanese. The issue of cornering the immigrants and the residents of this descent as being accused of carrying the Covid-19 virus arises. Various acts of hatred begin to target the immigrants and citizens of Asian descent. Applying the library research method and processing the relevant data, there found differences and similarities amidst the sentiments targeting the immigrants and citizens of Japanese descent in America. The difference refers to the triggering aspect. In the early days of their arrival, the anti-Japanese immigrant sentiment in the United States was more motivated by the problems of job opportunity and political suspicions. Meanwhile, during the Covid-19 pandemic, anti-Asian sentiment was triggered by the issue of the spread of the Covid-19 virus. On the other hand, there are similarities to the emergence of anti-Asian sentiments today including the spread of false and provocative information, the spread of racial prejudice and discrimination, the role of public figures in spreading hatred, and the existence of legal policies taken by authorities to respond to the related issues. Keywords: the United States, Japanese, Immigrants, Xenophobia, Covid-19
The Escazú Agreement, the first environmental treaty to order that signatory States render available all information on the projects which may have an environmental impact, guarantee that citizens participate in decisional processes and adopt measures to protect defenders of indigenous environments and peoples, entered into force on 22 April 2021. Building on these premises, the paper reports some data with the aim of briefly tracing the framework in which environmental activists work. These, together with indigenous peoples, oppose the extractivist development model adopted by the region's government in the last twenty years, which has had – and still has – a significant impact on the environment, has increased social conflicts, and triggered a violence spiral against environmentalists and some indigenous communities, thus transforming Latin America into the most dangerous place for those who protect the environment.
This article's goal is to discuss the current Brazilian crisis as a Latin American and the Caribbean crisis. Thus, this article methodologically translates the debate of the predominant bibliography upon democratic crisis towards a theory of societies in three levels. The first part presents and synthetically develops the idea of a theory of society in three levels. The second part discusses the main elements for the comprehension of the current Brazilin crisis. Lastly, the article states in its conclusions that the current Brazilian crisis must be understood as a crisis of our America and, thus, the defense of the welfare state in Latin America and the Caribbean must go beyond the nation-state. Thereby, the results indicate the need for greater contact among the Latin American and the Caribbean countries as a way for ensuring better protection of democracy and the welfare state in the region. ; Este artículo tiene por objetivo discutir la crisis actual en Brasil como una crisis de Latinoamérica y el Caribe. En ese sentido, traslada metodológicamente el debate desde la bibliografía predominante sobre las crisis democráticas hacia una teoría de la sociedad de tres niveles. En su primera parte, se presenta y desarrolla de forma sintética la idea de una teoría de la sociedad de tres niveles. En la secuencia, en la segunda parte son discutidos los elementos principales para la comprensión de la crisis brasileña contemporánea. Por fin, en las conclusiones es planteada la tesis de que la crisis de Brasil debe ser comprendida como una crisis de nuestra América y que, por lo tanto, la defensa del Estado de bienestar en Latinoamérica y el Caribe debe ser una defensa más allá del Estado nacional. Así, los resultados que se exponen indican la necesidad de una mayor aproximación entre los distintos países de América Latina y del Caribe como forma de garantizar una mejor protección a la democracia y al Estado de bienestar en la región.
Trabajo de Fin de Máster del Master Latin America and Europe in a Global World - LAGLOBE, curso 2019-2021 ; [EN] Online media have emerged as instrumental tools for citizen political behaviour worldwide. Research has shown that their usage has generated important democratic implications, particularly in relation to two specific behaviours: political participation and ideological extremism. However, the evidence showing a positive influence of online media use on participation, and its positive influence on extremism, seems somewhat contradictory. To date, these trends have only been studied separately. To evaluate the co-occurrence of these behavioural effects, the present study examines the influence of online media on political participation and extremism. The extent of these relations are explored by studying online media use as consumptive (reading, watching) and expressive (sharing, posting) activities. In order to explore the conditions that influence these behaviours, the analysis is applied cross-regionally. Using logistic and multiple regression models on crosssectional survey data from 47 Latin American and European countries in 2019, this study compares the effects of online media on seven political participation activities, and on left- and right-wing ideological extremism. The main findings reveal that online media use in Latin America and Europe predicts all seven political participation activities, and correlates with citizens' self-reported placement at the ideological extremes. The correlations are stronger and more significant for online media expression than consumption. Cross-country contextual differences linked to internet penetration and democratic maturity show more variability across Latin American countries than across Europe. Overall, the co-occurrence of effects across regions suggests that online media use affects different political behaviours in similar ways. Wider democratic implications on citizen engagement and political preferences are discussed. ; [ES] Los medios de comunicación en línea (medios online) han surgido como una herramienta instrumental para entender el comportamiento político ciudadano a nivel global. Estudios empíricos han mostrado que su uso suscita implicaciones democráticas importantes, especialmente en relación con dos comportamientos específicos: la participación política y el extremismo ideológico. Sin embargo, los hallazgos que demuestran la influencia positiva del uso de medios online en la participación, así como su influencia positiva en el extremismo, parecen algo contradictorios. Hasta la fecha, estas tendencias solo han sido estudiadas por separado. Para evaluar la concurrencia de dichos comportamientos políticos, el presente estudio examina la influencia simultánea de medios online en la participación política y en el extremismo. El alcance de estas influencias se analiza a través de actividades de consumo (leer, ver) y de expresión (compartir, publicar) en línea. Para explorar las condiciones que influyen en estos comportamientos, el análisis se aplica de forma interregional. Utilizando modelos de regresión logística y múltiple sobre datos de encuestas transversales de 47 países latinoamericanos y europeos en 2019, este estudio compara los efectos de medios online en siete actividades de participación política, y en el extremismo ideológico de izquierda y de derecha. Los principales hallazgos del presente estudio revelan que el uso de medios online en América Latina y Europa predice las siete actividades de participación política estudiadas, y se correlaciona con el auto-posicionamiento ideológico extremista. Las correlaciones son mas fuertes y significativas para la expresión en medios online que para el consumo de información. Las diferencias contextuales entre países muestran más variabilidad en América Latina que en Europa, debido a disparidades en acceso al internet y madurez democrática. En general, esta concurrencia de efectos positivos entre regiones sugiere que el uso de medios online afecta comportamientos políticos diferentes de manera similar. Se discute sobre las implicaciones democráticas de la participación y el posicionamiento político ciudadano.
El objetivo de este artículo es eminentemente descriptivo y pretende ofrecer un panorama sobre el funcionamiento de los referéndums en un contexto de crisis de la representación política. En particular, se concentra en lo que denominamos "referéndums de alto impacto político" y se recopilan los casos más controvertidos ocurridos en 2016 en Europa y en Latinoamérica. Las conclusiones sostienen que, ocasionalmente, el referéndum puede ser un instrumento necesario o conveniente para otorgar legitimidad popular y democrática a las decisiones de los gobernantes. Sin embargo, también puede usarse para la aclamación de liderazgos personalistas o autoritarios que prefieren gobernar apelando directamente al pueblo, saltándose los controles horizontales de los otros poderes. Finalmente, se advierte además que estas consultas pueden dar resultados contrarios al esperado por su promotor, provocando giros radicales en la dirección política del país. ; The objective of this article is eminently descriptive and aims to offer an overview of the operation of referendums in a context of crisis of political representation. In particular, it focuses on what we call "high political impact referendums" and collects the most controversial cases that occurred in 2016 in Europe and Latin America. The conclusions maintain that, occasionally, the referendum can be a necessary or convenient instrument to grant popular and democratic legitimacy to the decisions of the rulers. However, it can also be used for the acclaim of personalistic or authoritarian leaderships that prefer to govern by appealing directly to the people, bypassing the horizontal controls of the other powers. Finally, it is also noticed that these consultations may give results contrary to those expected by their promoter, causing radical turns in the political direction of the country. ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales
In this paper I present a comparative analysis of the legal regulation of political parties in Latin America. I study the legislation in force by early-2020 considering two elements: public funding and internal democracy. The results show that all countries in the region grant public funding for political parties, and that in all countries but Brazil the political parties must be internally democratic. Additionally, taking into account characteristics of the regulation not considered in previous studies, this study revealed that in most of the countries there is public funding for parties that must be allocated to political research and training, and that in most of the cases there is a procedure for party members to appeal against the party leaders' decisions. Finally, I claim that the regulation of parties in the region could improve the parties' performance as decision makers and straighten the political participation and representation of the citizenship.
This research study analyses the treatment and recognition of family diversity in South America. It consists of a systematic review of scholarly publications (n=41) and analyses of each of the following per country: national constitutions (n=10); population census results (n=20); legislation and regulations (n=93); and social policies (n=67). The results are presented in the form of country comparisons. The principal finding is the limited recognition of family diversity. ; Esta investigación analiza la consideración de la diversidad familiar en América del Sur. Se ha realizado una revisión sistemática de la literatura (n=41) y se han analizado, por cada país, constituciones (n=10); censos (n=20); el cuerpo normativo (n=93); y políticas sociales (n=67). Los resultados se presentan de forma comparada por países. El principal hallazgo es el escaso reconocimiento a la diversidad familiar.
